"Moreover, you scorned our people, and compared the Albanese to sheep, and according to your custom think of us with insults. Nor have you shown yourself to have any knowledge of my race. Our elders were Epirotes, where this Pirro came from, whose force could scarcely support the Romans. This Pirro, who Taranto and many other places of Italy held back with armies. I do not have to speak for the Epiroti. They are very much stronger men than your Tarantini, a species of wet men who are born only to fish. If you want to say that Albania is part of Macedonia I would concede that a lot more of our ancestors were nobles who went as far as India under Alexander the Great and defeated all those peoples with incredible difficulty. From those men come these who you called sheep. But the nature of things is not changed. Why do your men run away in the faces of sheep?"
Letter from Skanderbeg to the Prince of Taranto ▬ Skanderbeg, October 31 1460

Ilire, Maqedone dhe Helene.

Këtu mund të flisni mbi historinë tonë duke sjellë fakte historike për ndriçimin e asaj pjese të historisë mbi të cilen ka rënë harresa e kohës dhe e njerëzve.

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Re: Ilire, Maqedone dhe Helene.

#511

Post by Arbëri » Wed Apr 20, 2011 7:33 pm

Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft,1863

"Shqiptarët janë pasardhës të të gjithëve: Epirotëve , ilirëve dhe maqedonaseve, një popull - Autochton "
Kjo është e padiskutueshme dhe e vërtetë: shqiptarët ose "Schkipetaren" janë në ato zona qe nga koha stërlashtë ..


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“Nëse doni të zbuloni historinë para Krishtit dhe
shkencat e asaj kohe, duhet të studioni gjuhën shqipe !"
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Re: Ilire, Maqedone dhe Helene.

#512

Post by Arbëri » Sat Apr 23, 2011 9:09 pm

"Histoire Des Perses D'après Les Auteurs Orientaux Grecs Et Latin"
Volume 2, Paris ,1870 page 359


"The Macedonians were NOT Greeks. Neither by race, nor customs, or by characteristics. Their rulers did not have anything Hellenic. Their history was similar to that of the Illyrian, Thracian and Paeonian populations, with whom they bordered, but not with the history of the Hellenic city-states."
http://translate.google.com/#

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“Nëse doni të zbuloni historinë para Krishtit dhe
shkencat e asaj kohe, duhet të studioni gjuhën shqipe !"
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Re: Ilire, Maqedone dhe Helene.

#513

Post by Mallakastrioti » Sat Apr 23, 2011 10:19 pm

Quintus Curtius Rufus was a Roman historian, writing probably during the reign of the Emperor Claudius (41-54 AD) or Vespasian. His only surviving work, Historiae Alexandri Magni, is a biography of Alexander the Great in Latin in ten books, of which the first two are lost, and the remaining eight are incomplete.

Quintus Curtius Rufus na jep disa informacione te rendesishme lidhur Lekes se Madh dhe nenes se tij Olimbise. Pjesa eshte shkeputur prej librit "Historiae Alexandri Magni" (Q. Curtii Rufi De rebus gestis Alexandri Magni libri superstites)

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Re: Ilire, Maqedone dhe Helene.

#514

Post by Zeus10 » Sun May 08, 2011 6:49 pm

Albpelasgian, ashtu sic dhe te shkrova ne mesazh, Justini ne menyre direkte, i quan Maqedonasit pellazge, te krahines se Paeonise, duke mos aluduar ne asnje menyre qe ata jane greke ne krye te heres:
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The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing

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Re: Ilire, Maqedone dhe Helene.

#515

Post by Mallakastrioti » Sun May 08, 2011 8:44 pm

KRUJA kishte si toponim ne lashtesi, emrin..."TROIA"????

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Raffaele Maffei ben nje perkthim dhe komente Ksenofonit dhe sjell diçka interesante lidhur emertimit te Krujes, ku ai shkruan se ka pasur nje emertim tjeter e pikerisht "Troia", citon S. Bizantin e thote qe kufijte i ka pasur deri ne Kaoni (????)---Ilium ne Kruje?

---

"Commentariorum urbanorum libri octo et triginta, accuratius quam ...

Raffaele Maffei, Xenophon" - 1603

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Re: Ilire, Maqedone dhe Helene.

#516

Post by ALBPelasgian » Sat May 21, 2011 8:22 pm

Me poshte po shfaqim nje pasazh te shkeputur nga vepra e historianit Tit Livi:
Livy. 42 40.1
cum paulisper silentium fuisset, “expectari nos” inquit Marcius “arbitror, ut respondeamus litteris tuis, quas Corcyram misisti, in quibus quaeris, quid ita legati cum militibus venerimus et praesidia in singulas urbes dimittamus. ad hanc interrogationem tuam et non respondere vereor, ne superbum sit, et vera respondere, ne nimis acerbum audienti tibi videatur. sed cum aut verbis castigandus aut armis sit, qui foedus rumpit, sicut bellum adversus te alii quam mihi mandatum malim, ita orationis acerbitatem adversus hospitem, utcumque est, subibo, sicut medici, cum salutis causa tristiora remedia adhibent. ex quo regnum adeptus es, unam rem te, quae facienda fuerit, senatus fecisse censet, quod legatos Romam ad renovandum ... iudicat potius quam, cum renovatum esset, violandum. Abrupolim, socium atque amicum populi Romani, regno expulisti; Arthetauri interfectores, ut caede, ne quid ultra dicam, laetatum appareret, recepisti, qui omnium Illyriorum fidissimum Romano nomini regulum occiderant;
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Vol. 6

XL. After a short silence, Marcius began thus: “I suppose you expect us to give an answer to your letter, sent to Corcyra, in which you ask the reason, why we ambassadors come attended by soldiers, and why we send garrisons into the cities? To this question it is painful to me either to refuse an answer, lest I should appear too haughty; or to give a true one, lest, to your ears, it might seem too harsh. But since the person who infringes a treaty must be reproved, either with words or with arms, as I could wish that any other, rather than myself, should be employed in a war against you, so I will undergo the task, however disagreeable, of uttering rough language against my friend, as physicians, for the recovery of health, sometimes apply painful remedies. The senate is of opinion, that, since you came to the throne, you have acted but in one particular as you ought to have done, and that is, in sending ambassadors to Rome to renew the treaty made with your father,—which yet it would have been better never to have renewed, they think, than afterwards to violate it. You expelled from his throne Abrupolis, an ally and friend of the Roman people. You gave refuge to the murderers of Artetarus, thereby showing that you were pleased at their act, to say nothing worse; though they put to death a prince, who, of all the Illyrians, was the most faithful to the Roman nation.
Do te doja dhe mendimin tuaj per pasazhin e mesiperm! Gjithsesi para se te shtjellojme me imtesisht thelbin e pasazhit, do te doja qe secili prej jush t'ia hedh nje sy edhe kontekstit, dmth paragrafeve para ketij pasusi. Pyetja qe kerkon pergjigjje eshte: ne syte e konsullit romak (qe perfaqeson zyrtarisht senatin romak) a konsideroheshin si te njejte iliret, maqedonet, lakademonet dhe thesalet?

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Re: Ilire, Maqedone dhe Helene.

#517

Post by Mallakastrioti » Sun May 22, 2011 8:25 pm

Po sikur shkronja "ρ" ="r" te jete shkruar disi gabimisht prej Ptolemeut, apo kopjuar ne menyre jo te drejte prej atyre qe rishkruan vepren e tij?

Shume here ne te keshtuquajtur "greqishte e lashte" ka pasur apo ka nje ngaterrese midis "Π"=P dhe "R" ne mos gaboj. Sigurisht eshte nje hipoteze kjo imja, do ishte interesant kerkime me te imta lidhur ketij fisi Ilir diku aty afer Lyknideve . Disa autore ne tekstin e meposhtem e lidhin me Strugen.
Gjithesesi do ishte interesant si toponim ne se do kishim nje gabim ne ate shkronje:

SKIRTONES<---->SKIPTONES apo; SKIRTARIOS<---->SKIPTARIOS

Image De via militari Romanorum Egnatia: dissertatio geographica
Gottlieb Lucas Friedrich Tafel

ku ne nje kerkim me tej kemi:

Vetera Romanorum itinera, sive Antonini Aug. itinerarium
Di Antoninus Pius (Imperium Romanum, Imperator),Josias Simmler,Jer℗onimo Zurita

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kisha edhe une dyshimin qe ndoshta fliste per Skythet, por nuk kemi te bejme me te njejten popullsi :

Image Dictionarium historicum ac poeticum
Di Charles Estienne
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Re: Ilire, Maqedone dhe Helene.

#518

Post by Mallakastrioti » Sun May 22, 2011 9:27 pm

Le te vazhdojme arsyetimin e mesiperm dhe te kerkojme te analizojme si fjale "SKIRTON"

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Ne se eshte e vertet qe Albanopolis ishte ne Zgërdheshin e sotem (Krujë), atehere te kerkojme te shpjegojme pra etimologjine e fjales "Zgërdhesh" ku per mendimin tim kemi te bejme me fjaleperberjen shqipe "SI-GUR-ESHTE".

Marrim fjalen "greke" ---"SKIRTO" ku per mendimin tim kemi te bejme po me te njejten fjale shqipe="S(i) -KI(u)RT-O(eshte)".

Pra qyteti i Albaneve (prej fjales Alp=mal) siç thirrej prej te huajve, prej vendasve thirrej SI-GUR-ESH

Mos harrojme se njerezit e gureve ishin njerezit e maleve dhe natyra e eger e maleve tona e verteton me se miri kete.

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Ku edhe toponimi tjeter shqip "KRUJE" do te thote pikerisht "GUR-UJ" apo -uje prej Mali---sikurse Krua etj...
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Re: Ilire, Maqedone dhe Helene.

#519

Post by ALBPelasgian » Thu May 26, 2011 7:38 pm

Nje komentim i nje autori modern (A.B. Bosworth) per doreshkrimin e nje autori te vjeter nxjerr ne pah nje te vertete te mbrehte. Prania e gjere e ilireve dhe tribaleve ne Maqedoni.

"Dio of Prusa also couples together Illyrians and Triballians as past overlords of Macedon...":

From Arian to Alexander, A.B. Bosworth; p. 110
Kesisoj ai e komenton kete fragment, perderisa ne fusnote shenon dhe burimin prej nga e ka marre:

Dio Chrys. 2.9

Nese s'gabova gjate kerkimit tim, atehere ne nje fragment Dio i Pruses shkruan edhe keto:
Then Philip admired his son greatly for his noble spirit, since it was plain that he harboured no unworthy or ignoble ideas but made the heroes and demigods his examples. 8 Nevertheless, in his desire to arouse him, he said, "But take Hesiod, Alexander; do you judge him of little account as a poet?" "Nay, not I," he replied, "but of every account, though not for kings and generals, I suppose." "Well, then, for whom?" And Alexander answered with a smile: "For shepherds, carpenters,6 and farmers; since he says that shepherds are beloved by the Muses, and to carpenters he gives very shrewd advice as to how large they should cut an axle, and to farmers, when to broach a cask."7 9 "Well," said Philip, "and is not such advice useful to men?" "Not to you and me, father," he replied, "nor to the Macedonians of the present day, though to those of former times it was useful, when they lived a slave's life, herding and farming for Illyrians and Triballians."8
Zeus per te perplotesuar kuadrin, ka mundesi te ma perkujtoni n'cilin fragment me konkretisht Aristofani (nese me kujtohet mire) thoshte se pertej Olimpit (pika jugore e Maqedonise se vjeter) jetonin zoterat ilire dhe tribal? Nese i kombinojme keto dy fragmente, atehere cili eshte perfundimi logjik?

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Re: Ilire, Maqedone dhe Helene.

#520

Post by Mallakastrioti » Fri May 27, 2011 7:40 pm

Mallakastrioti wrote:Le te vazhdojme arsyetimin e mesiperm dhe te kerkojme te analizojme si fjale "SKIRTON"

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Ne se eshte e vertet qe Albanopolis ishte ne Zgërdheshin e sotem (Krujë), atehere te kerkojme te shpjegojme pra etimologjine e fjales "Zgërdhesh" ku per mendimin tim kemi te bejme me fjaleperberjen shqipe "SI-GUR-ESHTE".

Marrim fjalen "greke" ---"SKIRTO" ku per mendimin tim kemi te bejme po me te njejten fjale shqipe="S(i) -KI(u)RT-O(eshte)".

Pra qyteti i Albaneve (prej fjales Alp=mal) siç thirrej prej te huajve, prej vendasve thirrej SI-GUR-ESH

Mos harrojme se njerezit e gureve ishin njerezit e maleve dhe natyra e eger e maleve tona e verteton me se miri kete.

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Ku edhe toponimi tjeter shqip "KRUJE" do te thote pikerisht "GUR-UJ" apo -uje prej Mali---sikurse Krua etj...

Mu duk interesant arsyetimi dhe te vazhdojme me tej pasi nje autor i shek. 17 e pikerisht Giovan Battista Nicolosi ( Giovambattista o Giambattista) (Paternò, 1610 – Roma, 1670) , nje gjeograf, presbiterian dhe shkrimtar italian na jep disa informacione interesante. Por para se te shohim çfare ka shkruar autori i siperpermendur diçka per Krujen (si toponim) lexojme edhe tek "Historia e Shqiperise" , pra historia jone zyrtare:

"The name of the city is related to the Albanian word kroi meaning "fountain". In Albanian the city is known as Krujë or Kruja. In Byzantine documents of the early 7th century it has been attested as Kroai, while in medieval Latin it was known as Croia, Croya and Croarum. During the Ottoman era it was also known as Ak Hisar or Akçahisar from the Turkish words ak (white) and hisar (castle)."

Pra qyteti permendet qe ne shek e shtate dhe eshte nje fjale e paster shqipe.

Por le te shohim çfare informacionesh na sjell Giovan Battista Nicolosi ne librin e tij me titull:
"Hercules Siculus Sive Studium Geographicum: Cujus Argumentum ..., Volume 1"-viti i publikimit 1670, fq. 244,

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Pra Kruje=Krua dhe Ishem=Uje shum

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Re: Ilire, Maqedone dhe Helene.

#521

Post by ALBPelasgian » Fri Jun 03, 2011 9:51 am

Do te ishte mrekulli sikur te mund t'ia vertetonim saktesine ketij citati:
Bogdani thotë se shqiptarët janë «bij të Lekës» dhe citon Eusebion e lashtë ilir, përkthyesi i parë i Biblës latinisht: «Cezar Augusti donte fort me pasë në ushtri të tij t’arbneshë sepse, thoi, pësonjën shumë e nuk druhen për uni e etje, e se janë ma zemrorë se të tjerët. Kështu bani Leka i Madh me maqedonët kundër ushtrive të panumurta të Kserksit».
http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/s ... google.com
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Re: Ilire, Maqedone dhe Helene.

#522

Post by Mallakastrioti » Tue Jun 14, 2011 8:39 pm

Shkeputur prej librit:-"De rebus gestis Alexandri Magni, regis Macedonum, libri superstites"

Quintus Curtius Rufus,-

Maqedonet flisnin nje gjuhe ndryshe nga ajo e grekeve dhe kete e konfirmon
Quintus Curtius Rufus:

"According to the story told by Rufus , when Philotas son of
Parmenio was put on trial in front of the Macedonian army (large part of which were
the Greeks), Alexander asked him, "Philotas, the Macedonians are going to judge
you, state whether you will use your mother-tongue in front of them." Philotas
answered that he will not, because not everyone will be able to understand him,
which provoked Alexander to respond, that Philota hates his mother-tongue."

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Re: Ilire, Maqedone dhe Helene.

#523

Post by ALBPelasgian » Wed Jul 20, 2011 3:19 pm

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N. DAVIES, “EUROPE, A HISTORY” Oxford University Press, 1996, page 134.
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Re: Ilire, Maqedone dhe Helene.

#524

Post by ALBPelasgian » Fri Jul 22, 2011 12:21 pm

Ja cka gjeta nga nje shok imi ne facebook, i cili kishte gjetur nje krahasim interesant midis yllit pellazgjik - simbol i shtepise mbreterore te Maqedonise se vjeter dhe Kishes Ortodokse te Decanit ne Kosove. Ngjashmeria eshte habitese!

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Angels flying in the sky, a fragment of a fresco "Crucifixion" from Albanian orthodox monastery in Deçan, western Kosova (the fresco is created about 1350).

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Re: Ilire, Maqedone dhe Helene.

#525

Post by ALBPelasgian » Wed Aug 10, 2011 8:56 pm

Ne postimet e shumta te bera ne Arberia, shpeshhere eshte cituar ne sasi te vogla vepra e njerit prej historianeve me zulemadh te shek. XIX ne Gjermani, Barthold Georg Neibuhr.

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Per nje njohje me te imtesishme te biografise se Neibuhr-it, ndiq vegezen e meposhtme:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Barthold_Georg_Niebuhr

Ne vijim po japim te plote nje pasqyre te thukte, ku mendja gjeniale e Neibuhrit deporton mbi mjegullnajen e shekujve, per te deftuar thelbin e etnise se maqedoneve te mocem: iliriciteti i tyre. Lexim te kendshem!

Macedonia.

The first questions that have to be answered are:—What nation were the Macedonians? To what race did they belong? How far can they be regarded as Greeks, and how far not? I still remember the time of the very uncritical treatment of ancient history, when, in spite of the express testimony of the ancients, no one would have dreamed of doubting that both the Epirots and Macedonians ought to be regarded as Greeks; this belief was so firmly rooted, that the great Palmerius even thought Illyricum a Greek country. Afterwards, however, disputes arose as to the nationality of the Macedonians. Critics at first went to the opposite extreme, and from a passage in the Epitome of Strabo, it was inferred, that the Macedonians were Illyrians. The subject has been discussed in an excellent little treatise by C. 0. Miiller of Gottingen. The matter may perhaps be determined still more accurately by entering into minute investigations. The extent of country to which we generally apply the name of Macedonia, embraces later enlargements; in its narrowest sense, it was but a very small country with a peculiar population. Macedonia is the country of the Macedonians, just as Italy is the country of the Itali. The boundaries of the original kingdom of Macedonia and their gradual extension have been described nearly forty years ago by Gatterer, an excellent man, whose merits are no longer as fully appreciated in Germany as they ought to be. His ancient history, owing to the large scale on which he undertook it, has great defects; but he commenced it at a time when the way was altogether unprepared by preliminary inquiries, and when so much was still unexplained; his history of the eastern nations, therefore, could not be otherwise than imperfect. But this should not prevent us from acknowledging his very great merits. His smaller essays, especially that on Macedonia and Thrace, are extremely valuable; they are printed in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Gottingen, where maps also are added, in which he shows the gradual extension of Macedonia.

Macedonia, in its most proper sense, did not touch upon the sea. We have to distinguish two parts, viz., Upper Macedonia, inhabited by the people about the western range of mountains, extending from the north as far as Pindus, and Lower Macedonia, about the rivers which flow into the Axius, in the earlier times, however, not extending to the Axius itself, but only as far as Pella. From this district the Macedonians extended themselves, and partly repressed the ancient inhabitants. The whole of the sea-coast was occupied by other tribes, which are mentioned by Thucydides in the excellent episode on the expedition of the Thracians against Macedonia. The word iKfiaX\eiv which he uses in regard to the ancient inhabitants, must not be taken literally, or in the sense in which
the Persians drove together and carried away the Eretrians —such a thing was, generally speaking, never done by the ancient nations—but a great part of the original inhabitants were subdued. The original Macedonians in the west, therefore, embrace the Lyncestians, Elimiotans, Pelagonians, and what are called the real Macedonians dwelling about Edessa or Aegeae; the inhabitants of Emathia, Pieria, Bottia, and Mygdonia on the east of the Axius and towards the Strymon, were conquered countries, or, if at a later period their inhabitants were Macedonians, they had become so in the course of time. These original Ma/ceSoVe? or MaKrjSovei are mentioned by all the ancient poets and in the fragments of epic poetry; they dwelt among tribes which we regard as Pelasgian, and were connected with the Magnetes, Magnes and Macedon being called brothers. None of the Macedonian words we know are Greek, though some are akin to it, but at the same time, they show decidedly barbarous peculiarities. When Strabo says that a great portion of the Macedonians were Illyrians, because they had the same customs, the same costume, the same method of cutting the hair, the same language and the like, we must take this to apply to tribes occupying parts of Macedonia in the extended sense, and dwelling in the western half, just as a large part of eastern Macedonia was inhabited by Thracians, some of whom were free, while others had been subdued by the Macedonians: at the time when the Macedonian kingdom became consolidated, they were still unmixed Thracians. If we understand the passage of Strabo in this manner, it presents no difficulty. We often weigh the words of ancient authors too scrupulously; I admit, that on the whole they wrote with far more care than we do, but if we consider without prejudice so many passages containing errors, we must own that their heads too were not always equally clear, and we must also bear in mind that they dictated their works, whence much that is surprising to us, is only mis-written. Many a faulty or corrupt construction may have originated with the scribes, 278 MACEDONIA.
but sometimes the authors themselves, with their immense stores of thought, may have dictated somewhat confusedly. I once found a passage in Pliny written so confusedly, that at first I thought a transposition of the words necessary; but when I commenced making the emendation, the thought flashed upon me, that Pliny might have dictated wrongly, perhaps inserting a clause and not finishing it; as the clause stands, it is quite out of place.
Macedonia proper consisted of several small states. The Lyncestians and Elimiotans had their own rulers called kings, and so also the people of Edessa or Aegeae. The two former, like the Epirots, remained within their boundaries without spreading themselves; but those in the plain gradually overpowered the kings of the other tribes, and expelled their royal families. The history of Lower Macedonia is important, that of Upper Macedonia is not, for nothing remarkable can be related of the Lyncestians, Elimiotans, and Pelagonians. Lower Macedonia is great in the history of the world: its kings called themselves Heracleids, and traced their descent to the Temenids of Argos. How far the ancient and simple tradition may have been misunderstood, can only be conjectured; but the probability is, that the Argos here mentioned is not the Argos in Peloponnesus, but the Pelasgian Argos in Thessaly, which was situated in the neighbourhood of Macedonia. Later persons only half-learned erroneously connected this with the Peloponnesian Argos, and accordingly the story of the Temenids is probably of recent origin, the ancient tradition stating only that they were Heracleids from Argos. Respecting the royal family, there were two different legends; according to the one, the kings were descended from Caranus, and according to the other from Perdiccas. There can be no doubt that the latter is only a symbolical representation of the national constitution; for the founders of the monarchy, Perdiccas and his two brothers, are the archegetae of three tribes.
This kingdom had acquired considerable power even MACEDONIA. 279
before the outbreak of the Persian war; after that war, during which Amyntas had been obliged to submit, affairs were for a time stagnating; Perdiccas at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war was but a very contemptible enemy of the Athenians. After the Peloponnesian war, too, Macedonia was so powerless and so much inferior to Olynthus, that this city was enabled to take from it all the country about the Thermaic gulf. Amyntas, the father of Philip, was pressed extremely hard by the Illyrians, and was on the point of giving up his country altogether: he implored the assistance of the Thebans, and sent them his son as a hostage. These circumstances render it all the more wonderful, that Philip raised his kingdom in so extraordinary a manner: a greater contrast can hardly exist. Terrible as the history of Philip is to every friend of Greece, it must nevertheless be owned that he was an extraordinary man. In the very first year of his reign he laid the foundation of the greatness of a state which was almost annihilated. Although only twenty-four years old, he ascended the throne with mature thoughts, and immediately set about carrying them into effect, not scrupulous as to what means were most desirable, but only thinking how he could make the best use of those at his command. And he did this with uncommon surety and adroitness. He was quite aware that he lacked the means of overcoming the Greek tactic by a higher one, as the Romans did; he therefore endeavoured to overpower them with greater masses, and in this he was successful. He did not, however, confine himself to this course, but, like the Italian and Spanish courts of the sixteenth century, became powerful by means of cunning, intrigues, faithlessness and bribery. His plans, though favoured by the circumstances of the time, would have been checked by great and towering difficulties, if he had not carried them out by infamous means; he could not have destroyed Olynthus, to mention one example, had he not deceived the Olynthians and hired traitors in the place. At Philip's death, Macedonia was 280 MACEDONIA.
already a compact empire; its boundaries had been extended into Thrace as far as Perinthus, and the Greek coast and the Greek towns belonged to it. The Odrysian princes maintained themselves in the mountains of the interior, in the neighbourhood of Adrianople. Thessaly had chosen Philip as its protector, and the towns of eastern Epirus, Ambracia and Amphilochia, had Macedonian garrisons. Every one knows in what manner Alexander extended this empire. After his death, a new Macedonian kingdom arose under the dynasty of Antipater, which, however, no longer embraced Thrace, for that country then belonged to the dynasty of Lysimachus. We know nothing about the boundaries of Macedonia and Thrace at that time; it may have been the Strymon or the Nestus; we have nothing but the scanty information in Diodorus. Afterwards Lysimachus united the two states, and Ptolemy Ceraunus appears still to have possessed the greater part of the empire of Lysimachus in Thrace. Then follows the great invasion of the Gauls, who made themselves masters of the whole of the northern parts, until they established themselves in Thrace and Upper Macedonia. Antigonus Gonatas restored Upper Macedonia and extended it as far as the river Nestus, and Magnesia also belonged to it, though Thessaly was only under the protection of Macedonia, just as Napoleon distinguished between France and Italy.1 We now have to draw a distinction between Macedonia proper and MaKeSovia eVi/crj?r0?. The latter comprised all the country east of the river Strymon, that is, Magnesia, Orestis, and probably also several small tribes in the Thessalian mountains, though not the peninsulas of Pallene, Sithonia, and Athos, which were again regarded as parts of Macedonia proper. Philip III. lost Magnesia and Orestis, which fell into the hands of the Romans; but he recovered the former, and for a time was in possession of the country of the Dolopians and Athamanians.2 This was the extent of
1 See Niebuhr's Ottch. des Zeitaltert der Revolution, vol.ii. p.28I. '"I ought to have spoken of Athamania before, but not having MACEDONIA. 281
Macedonia at the time when the Romans conquered Perseus. They now separated Magnesia, and divided the remaining country into four parts. Livy has here translated Polybius somewhat hastily, but on the whole he has stated the division rightly; the editions, however, are faulty,on account of the Vienna MS.; criticism has yet much to do here, for the passage contains several obscurities. These four districts would not interest us at all, were it not that they are important in a numismatic point of view; we have an extraordinary number of tetradrachmae belonging to them, although the division into four districts did not exist longer than about twenty years. The Roman governors, even after the abolition of autonomy, in consequence of the revolt of the Pseudo-Philip, must have continued to coin money with the same matrices, or else the barbarians, who otherwise imitated Greek coins in quite a ridiculous manner and with numerous faults, must in this instance have employed Greek die-cutters for the purpose of imitation; this may have been the case, for example, with the Gauls and other nations.
Macedonia prima, MaKeSovcov 17 irparnj (so on coins, and not MaKeSovla fj irpurrq), is the country on the east of the river Strymon as far as the Nestus, comprising the towns of the interior on the eastern bank of the Nestus. The Romans divided the country in such a manner as to make rivers the boundaries, in order to tear the races to pieces, the same as was done in modern times, when what are called the natural boundaries began to be talked of.1 By this process the Romans produced that state of dissolution, which was the
any maps before me as guides, I forgot it. It was situated between Molottis and Thessaly, and was a small Epirot principality. In the earliest times it was not important, but subsequently it became remarkable, because it maintained its independence of Epirus as well as of Aetolia. Their king, Amynander, was early allied with the Romans, but then went over to the Aetoliaus. This brought great distress upon the country, though it was afterwards pardoned by the Romans and was restored to its former condition."
1 "In like manner the Romans abolished the concilia populorum in Italy."
282 MACEDONIA.
object of their policy. They further abolished the commercia, that is, no one was allowed to have property in another district, in order that people of different parts might become entirely estranged from one another; the eirir/afila, lastly, was probably likewise prohibited. The result is the strongest refutation of the doctrine, that rivers form the natural boundaries. Mountains are the true barriers between nations; think, e.g., of the Alps in Wallis, which separate Germany from Italy; for, although on one side or the other there may be a little village of people from the opposite side, still the inhabitants are distinctly marked by their language, manners, and mode of dress. Now in Macedonia prima, Greeks, Thracians, Paeonians, Macedonians, and others, were jumbled together as one nation; the second division again contained Greeks, many Paeonians, a few Thracians, and some Macedonians; the third consisted almost wholly of Macedonians and some Greeks; while the fourth contained many Macedonians, but at the same time a great number of Gauls and Illyrians. The first division of Macedonia, as I remarked before, was on the east of the river Strymon, bounded on the east by the river Nestus, though some parts beyond it also were included. The second, with its capital of Thessalonica, extended between the rivers Strymon and Axius, along the entire length of these rivers. The country west of the Axius was again divided into two parts, forming the third division, which comprised Lower Macedonia and Pieria with the capital of Pella; and the fourth comprising Ellin iotis, Lyncestis and the lllyrian and Gallic districts belonging to it. The whole of the Chalcidian Acte, the coast of which was occupied by Greeks, was thus included in Macedonia. These are the four parts into which, in all probability, Macedonia was divided when it was a Roman province, and in which it continued to enjoy some kind of existence. This we must infer from the number of coins; those belonging to Macedonia prima are far more numerous than those of all the Macedonian kings together.
MACEDONIA. 283
In the Epitome of Strabo, the name Macedonia is used in a very singular sense, for it is made to include lllyricum. He considers Macedonia as a parallelogram, of which mount Scardus forms the northern, and the river Hebrus the eastern side; in the south is the via Egnalia, a line drawn from Epidamnus to Thessalonica. This outline excludes southern Macedonia, and embraces many countries which do not belong to it. He may have regarded this as the extent of the Roman province; but it never had such boundaries. No one can say what his thoughts were; but it is possible that he made a mistake in copying. We know, on the contrary, that Thessaly was added to Macedonia as part of the province. When I come to the survey of the Roman state, I shall speak of the boundaries and the differences of the provinces at different times, a subject which must not be overlooked, because on this point great errors still prevail.
The extent which Macedonia acquired under the Antigonids,1 (that is, from the time of Antigonus Gonatas and his successors until the reign of Perseus, a period of about a hundred years), with tolerably natural boundaries, embraced the countries as far as the ridge of the high mountains, but Orestis, though situated beyond the chain of these mountains, also belonged to it. The geography of these countries has as yet been very little inquired into by Europeans, whence the maps are still as confused as they were about fifty or sixty years ago. No modern traveller, as far as I know, has yet visited all the countries on the side of Skupi (Uskup?) and the high mountains. The notices contained in the ancients of these countries, cannot be applied with certainty, the names of the mountains being too indefinite; those countries are quite beyond the reach of classical literature, and we know mounts Orbelos and Rhodope scarcely more than by name. These north-western mountains
1 "This name, though formed according to good analogy, is not used by the ancients; but I do not see why we should not employ it upon the analogy of others."
284 MOUNTAINS OF MACEDONIA.
may be most correctly conceived as a western continuation of mount Haemus, which is itself a continuation of the Alps. The Alps pass through Carniola close by the Adriatic, and enter into southern Bosnia; another branch runs through Styria to the north; on the borders of Hungary its breadth is not great, and it forms a hilly country until it disappears in the great plain of Slavonia and Lower Hungary; but in Bosnia the mountains again extend as far as the Save. All Bosnia and Servia is a mountainous country, while Slavonia opposite has rich and fertile plains and but few mountains. In the neighbourhood of Belgrade, the mountains approach the Danube, extend again, and occupy nearly the whole space between the Danube and the Adriatic; they then, shutting in the Danube, extend to the territory of Widdin, retreat into the splendid country of the Bulgarians, and there leave an extensive and extremely fertile space between the river and mount Haemus. From lllyricum and Dalmatia the mountains proceed, so as to form a hilly country in the neighbourhood of Scutari. Between the Drino and mount Haemus, Scardus is the highest point on the road from Ragusa to Constantinople. The Macedonian dominion extended to this point; here dwelt the Dardanians, the north-western people of Macedonia. The mountains then following are probably Scomios and Orbelos, which seem to be parts of the mountains proceeding from Haemus. Rhodope, a mountain between the Strymon and Nestus, is probably a branch of mount Haemus. Pangaeos seems to be a southern continuation and extremity of Rhodope.
The whole of the Thracian mountains running parallel with the sea between the Strymon and Nestus are rich in gold and silver mines. They were taken possession of at an early time by the neighbouring nations, especially the Thasians, and it appears that the Phoenicians, at a very remote period, also had settlements on the southern coast. Afterwards many Greeks established themselves there, and Thucydides, e.g., is known to have possessed a mine in MOUNTAINS OF MACEDONIA. 285
those parts. The richest mines were in mount Pangaeos, but the other mountains as far as Haemus also contain many precious metals. I know for certain, that Bosnia and the mountains near Skupi also contain silver mines, which are known but not worked. Should those countries ever pass from the hands of barbarians, and come under the dominion of Europeans, it will be seen that the ores of precious metals extend even much further. The silver mines were worked even before the Peloponnesian war, under Alexander I., the son of Amyntas; but where they existed is uncertain. The gold mines of Pangaeos were first worked, but not vigorously, by the Athenian Callistratus,1 but afterwards by Philip with great industry: he is said to have annually derived from them 1000 talents; they existed in the neighbourhood of Crenidas, where afterwards the mountain-city of Philippi was built.
In the west, a mountain branches off from Scardus, which we know under the name of the Candadian (not CanDa Vian, according to a passage in Polybius) mountains; the name is familiar to us from the unfortunate expedition of P. Sulpicius Galba; it forms the boundary between upper Macedonia, parts of which are situated in the valleys of the mountain, and Illyricum. This is a cold mountain, not that the more northern ones are not still colder, but the latter were thinly, and the former thickly peopled. According to the accounts of travellers, those mountains must be very cold and ungenial. But as soon as you come to the part where the mountains descend towards the sea, and where the rivers empty themselves into it, the climate becomes all the more splendid, and the valleys more lovely and mild: the whole country changes into the most beautiful plains with smiling hills.
Macedonia thus forms the greater part of a circle, of whose periphery about one-third is cut off by a line from mount Olympus to the river Nestus.
1 This is the name in all the MSS., though there can be no doubt that Callias is meant.—Ed.
286 RIVERS AND GULFS OF MACEDONIA.
The AxiUS, ov KakXiarov vScop eiriKlSvarai alav, is the most important river of Macedonia, though it flows beyond the real country of Macedonia in its narrowest sense. In its upper course it is a rapid torrent; further down it becomes muddy, whence its water is, in point of fact, not particularly excellent. For this reason, attempts were made even in antiquity to emend Homer, because it was thought impossible that he should have made any mistake at all. Connected with the Axius were the Ludias and the Haliacmon, a beautiful river descending from the western mountains. The Strymon is altogether a Thracian river, and is called so by the poets; its banks, at least in later times, are more particularly the seats of the Thracians, but at an earlier period Paeonians also dwelt there. The Strymon is a mighty river without any fords, whence it was crossed only by bridges, as at Amphipolis. The Nestus has nothing that is particularly remarkable.
Gulfs to be noticed are:—the Pierian, and the gulf of Therma or Thessalonica; the Toronaean, the Strymonian, and Singitian gulf.
The hilly districts of Macedonia produce everything that is grown in those southern countries; they are among the most fertile parts of the earth, especially in the neighbourhood of Thessalonica and Pella; such also is the narrow Pierian country, from Olympus as far as the sea: it is a real garden. At present the chief products there are cotton and tobacco, which of course did not grow there in ancient times, though cotton may have been cultivated during the later Macedonian and the Roman period in some islands of the Aegean.
Having spoken of the Macedonians inhabiting the western country, we now proceed to Macedonia Proper, also called Emathia, with its capital Aegeae. I have no doubt that you will be convinced, that what I am going to bring forward as a hypothesis, is not said lightly nor without full persuasion, or that such a persuasion has been arrived at without much labour. It is my opinion, that the
Thracians did not spread themselves in those countries until a later period: the Pelasgian race which we find in Asia as far as Bithynia and the Maeander, undoubtedly once occupied the whole of the southern coast. To that period we have to refer much of what is related about the Thracians, as for example, the tradition about Orpheus, who is conceived to have dwelt in Pieria, on the slope of Olympus, near the well Pimplea. It is opposed to all our feelings, and it can have no historical meaning to conceive him as a Thracian; but the matter becomes intelligible, if we suppose that the Thracians immigrated into those countries at a later period, and that the recollections connected with the places which fell into the hands of the Thracians, were transferred to this people. Mount Olympus was considered as the seat and centre of the gods, because it was situated, in a measure, in the midst of the great Pelasgian nation, which we must conceive to have extended farther northward. It is not likely that the Greeks should have assigned to their gods a habitation at the extreme end of their father-land. We must therefore suppose that the Thracians spread over these countries from the Strymon and Nestus. Now, as in the west, we find the Macedonians as a Pelasgian people, so we meet in the central part, about the Axius and Strymon, the Paeonians, whom Herodotus expressly mentions among the Teucrian Trojans, who were as much a Pelasgian people as the Siceli. The statement of Herodotus that they were airoiKot T«ov TevKpuv, means nothing else than that they and the Teucrians belonged to the same race. I consider these Paeonians to have been a remnant of the ancient inhabitants, who maintained themselves against the invading Thracians. Before the Macedonian kings, the so-called Temenids, established their kingdom, the Thracians occupied the country down to the borders of Thessaly, not only as far as the river Strymon, but also the country on the west of it: the Crestonaean, Crossaean, Mygdonian, and Pierian countries were in fact all inhabited by Thracians, before the Macedonians of Aegeae spread over those parte. 288 PIERIA, BOTTIAEANS, ETC.
This gradual conquest of Mygdonia and Pieria belongs to a period previous to the Persian wars, certainly that of Pieria, and it is highly probable that the conquest of Mygdonia also belongs to the same period. Perdiccas was extending his empire as early as the time of the Peloponnesian war, but it was as yet ill consolidated. Archelaus did most, he first fortified towns, made roads, and prepared Macedonia for that career which it completed under Philip; still, however, after the death of the latter, the state of Macedonia was powerless. But Archelaus, nevertheless, has the merit of having laid the foundation.
The name Pieria is sufficiently familiar to us from the poets. It is odd enough that the country, which was afterwards inhabited by the barbarous Thracians, and at a still later period by the Macedonians, who after all were always an afj.ovaov e0vo<;, should in the remotest ages have been the seat of the Muses, who are hence called Pierides, and from the wells of the country, Pimpleides, Libethrides (Pimplei dulcis, in Horace: Aei/3rjOpi8e<;). The Bottiaeans, a kindred people, dwelt east of the Macedonians proper; being expelled by the Macedonians from the neighbourhood of Pella, originally a Bottiaean place, they went to the Chalcidians, to whom they were no doubt welcome, as they must have preferred a kindred people in their neighbourhood to the Thracians. Then follow the Paeonians about the Axius and Strymon, who were pushed away from the coast into the interior. Herodotus relates that during the expedition of Darius Hystaspis, the nations dwelling about the Strymon as far as the sea, were carried away by the Persians, and received settlements in Phrygia: these are the Paeonians of the lower districts, and their country was thereupon taken possession of by the Thracians. Hence it cannot be surprising that afterwards no Paeonians were found there. Mygdonia, the lower country, east of the Axius, about the Thermaic gulf, was, previously to the extension of the Macedonians, inhabited by Thracian Edonians. The Edonians are remarkable on account of the many
DION, PYDNA, METHONE. 289
allusions to them in the Latin poets, especially in reference to the worship of Bacchus (Non sanius ego Bacchabor Edonis, says Horace). This worship is, in a certain sense, Thracian, especially in regard to women, and existed by the side of the Phrygian. Following the narrow tract of land along the coast, we first arrive in the most southern province, Pieria; next follows Bottiaeis, with Pella, as far as the Axius; then Mygdonia along the coast, beginning with the cape forming the entrance to the bay of Thessalonica, and extending to the town of Aenea; the country, from this point to the neighbourhood of Potidaea, is called Crossaea, and had an ancient Thracian population. During the subsequent extension of the Macedonians, those nations were not expelled, nor did they become serfs, but were only reduced to the condition of subjects.
All this is correctly indicated in the maps of LVAnville and Barbie du Bocage; but Anthemus is erroneously marked in all maps, for, instead of a country, it is put down as a town. It is a district of small extent, but plays a prominent part in the history of Olynthus.
The capital of Pieria was Dion, a native Macedonian town, not Greek, but adorned with beautiful buildings, prosperous and handsome, until it was destroyed by the Aetolians on a predatory excursion. Pydna and Methone, both Greek towns, were situated to the north of it. Pydna was the first conquest of Philip; both towns had until then preserved their independence, which is a proof of the great weakness of the Macedonian kings. Philip ia said to have destroyed them both; in regard to Methone this is certain, for during its siege he lost one eye, and for this reason gave vent to his barbarous rage against the town; but Pydna, if it was destroyed, must have been restored, for it is mentioned under the later Macedonian kings; in history it is remarkable especially on account of the decisive battle fought there, in which Perseus lost his kingdom and his crown.
VOL. I. U
290 EMATHIA, AEGEAE.
The real Emathia is in the interior of Macedonia.1 This lower Macedonia, in its proper sense, below the slopes of the Candauian mountains, does not extend to the sea, from which it is separated by Pieria and a narrow strip of the ancient Bottia. This was ancient Macedonia proper, the kingdom of the ancestors of Alexander, and contained the ancient Macedonian capital of Aegeae,2 which was the residence of the kings before the reign of Philip. There is a story about the name of this town, according to which it is derived from atye?: the founder of the Macedonian kingdom is said to have conquered the town by following, during a thunder-storm, close behind a herd of goats, and thus entering the open gates with a small band of followers. The royal sepulchres existed there as late as the time of Pyrrhus, but the Gauls in his army plundered them. When at Rome, I heard a very vague report: an English traveller, it was said, had discovered in 1819 or 1820, by excavations, the tombs of Macedonian kings; but Aegeae was not mentioned in the report. The person who told me this, was too ignorant to invent such a thing; but whether there is any truth in it, I do not know; I have never heard anything more about it. This place
1 "It deserves to be noted that in several of the later Latin poets the genuine usage in the application of rare names disappears. The beginning of Lucan is no doubt known even to those who are unable to work their way through the whole; in explaining it we may assume two possibilities: he either intended to compose a poem on the whole Civil war down to the battle of Philippi, or he unwittingly confounded Macedonia and Thessaly. If he wanted to use such a poetical name, he ought to have said Bella per Aemonios plus quam civilia campos."
* "Not Aegae, as you find in most maps and in modern editions of ancient authors. In the older editions the name is correctly given, Aly<iiai, pronounced according to the modern Greek Aiyt-ai, and the inhabitants are called Aiyte'is. Moderns have unfortunately taken it into their heads that this is a mistake, and have unceremoniously altered it without saying anything about it: as the altered form was found in the maps of D'Anville and Barbi6 du Bocage, it was thought to be the correct one."
AEGEAE (EDESSA), BEROEA, PELLA. 291
has two names, Edessa and Aegeae; the former has been transferred to several other places, and above all to the very ancient town of Roha In Mesopotamia. It is with these places as it is with Boston, which in England is an insignificant town, while the Boston in America is a great city. In like manner, Edessa in Syria is far more important than Edessa in Macedonia. The names of many other Greek and Macedonian places, as Beroea, Cyrrhos, Chalcis, Amphipolis, and others were similarly transferred to places in Syria. Even names of Macedonian districts re-appear there. This shows a peculiar attachment to Macedonia, and characterises the sentiments of the founder of the Syrian empire. If we compare Seleucus with Ptolemy Soter, the former is far more attached to Macedonia; in Egypt we find nothing of the kind, everything there beginning anew.
Beroea (now Veria) is the second place in Emathia; its name-sake in Syria was far more important, but both still exist. Beroea was a flourishing place throughout the middle ages, and continued to be a wealthy town until its present destruction. Edessa is at present only a village.
Whenever the ancient seat of the Macedonian kings is mentioned, when you read in Thucydides of Perdiccas and Archelaus (the latter is spoken of also by Plato as a prince who drew to his court the wits and talents from Athens, just as German princes formerly invited Frenchmen), and even when Amyntas, Philip's father, is spoken of, you must always conceive them as residing at Aegeae. Philip was the first to make Pell A on the Ludias great; it was previously a small Bottiaean place, which was conquered by the Macedonians, when they drove the Bottiaeans into Chalcidice; Herodotus calls it a iro\iyyiov. The district lost its name Bottiaeis, which in Herodotus it still bears, and became part of Macedonia. Philip, who, like Peter the Great, from the moment of his accession, set about raising the kingdom from its obscurity, took the first step towards this object in transferring his residence from the distant Aegeae to Pella, which was near enough to the sea
292 PELLA.
to carry on commerce. The rivers in that part of the country, especially the Ludias, were then navigable, but they are now filled up with sand. Pella, however, was not so near the sea as to enable the Athenians to take it by surprise in a maritime expedition. Its situation on a hill surrounded by waters (totto? ^epo-ovija-oeto-j;?) was very strong. It was now quickly changed into a considerable city, though we must not conceive it to have been very large. Had Alexander not become estranged from Macedonia, it would probably have risen to still greater importance; but it remained the capital of an empire which was at all events considerable. Antipater lived there as regent of Macedonia in his barbarous and cynic symplicity, the picture of an Albanese or Illyrian chief in his affected wretchedness: he had a disgust for regal splendour, and his government certainly added nothing to the beauty of Pella. He appeared in public as a common Macedonian soldier, wrapped up in his cloak (rpl^cov), wearing the Kavo-la (the Illyrian cap), and a stick. Cassander spent less of his time at Pella than at Thessalonica and Cassandrea; but the Antigonids resided there, and from the time of Antigonus Gonatas till that of Perseus, a period of nearly a century, Pella remained the capital, and was a splendid town, though not to be compared with the great cities of Antioch and Alexandria. After the wars of Perseus, the Romans took it without resistance, and carried off a large number of works of art, with which Alexander had adorned the city; the masterworks of Lysippus, which were erected at Pella, were carried away by Aemilius Paullus. Dion Chrysostomus,1 in his
1 "I take this opportunity of saving a few words about this not sufficiently valued author. There are writers whose works are read, without their containing any substance, and without their being at all comparable to others, merely because they have once got a name. Others deserving of respect are now neglected, while formerly they were studied. Dion Chrysostomus is one of these latter. He is indeed sophistical, but there is among his works a whole series of thoroughly beautiful orations, showing great intellect, which is, after all, the main thing. Sidonius Apollinaris' Latinity is very rustic; but PELLA, THESSALONICA. 293
very excellent Tarsian oration, says that Pella was a heap of ruins. The destruction must have taken place either after the war of the Pseudo-Philip (of whom we scarcely know anything, except a few traits occurring in the newlydiscovered iKkoyal irepl yvcoficov published by Mai), or about sixty years later, during the campaigns of Archelaus and Taxilas, the generals of Mithridates. It is afterwards not mentioned again. Pella is one of the places which I have often suggested to travellers as a place where excavations ought to be made, and where undoubtedly a rich harvest might be made. Felix Beaujour, the late consul-general at Salonichi, states in his excellent description of Macedonia, that the whole district is covered with ruins, a proof that no excavations have been made there for many years. Certain it is, that the Romans did not carry away everything, that works of art of the most exquisite kind, nay perhaps even works of Lysippus himself, might be discovered there; inscriptions, too, may exist there, although, as I have already remarked, inscriptions are not found in any other part of Macedonia.
Thessalonica, the ancient Chalcidian Therma, in the innermost recess of the Thermaic gulf, greatly impeded by its excellent situation the further growth of Pella, even when the latter was still the capital of the Antigonids. Cassander founded the new city, and, according to the custom of the time, made it great by compelling the inhabitants of
he is a man of talent; so also Libanius, although he is already too sophistical. Others, as Aelius Aristides, who are so devoid of talent and so absurd, that we feel inclined at once to throw their works among the rubbish, are placed on an equality with the former. To the same class belong Themistius and Fronto,the latter of whom does nothing but pile up words. In regard to talented writers, we must not allow ourselves to be prejudiced by the fact that they belong to a late period. The language of Dion Chrysostomus is very good; it is a fine imitation of Attic Greek, and this is not only my opinion, but the judgment of Valckenaer, Hemsterhuys, Euhnkenius, and others; his style is like that of Xenophon, who, after all is read and studied in schools only on account of his language."
294 THESSALONICA, CASSANDREA.
the neighbouring towns to remove to it (o-wot/cwr^o?). Such a plan was afterwards often resorted to in the East, and such also was the method adopted by Peter the Great in the foundation of St. Petersburgh: he ordered people to be summoned from other parts of his dominions; as they arrived even before the houses were finished, they wereobliged to build huts for themselves and died from disease; the survivors became beggars. In antiquity, when towns were not so far distant from one another, the process was easier. Thessalonica had agricultural citizens; and Cassander named it after his wife, the daughter of Philip; by this marriage he intended to make his children legitimate in the eyes of the Macedonians, as he himself was looked upon as a usurper, and was subsequently treated as such. But his family perished in a miserable manner. The idea of founding a city there was a happy one, for there are few places on the Mediterranean that have such a beautiful situation. How often was Thessalonica destroyed! and yet it always recovered, because it was the natural emporium of the rich products of Macedonia; it has an excellent harbour, and no marshes, and is accordingly a healthy place. The town quickly rose into importance, and remained so under the Romans and throughout the middle ages, in spite of many severe calamities. It was taken by the Bulgarians, and afterwards by the Turks; but so long as nature does not change, Thessalonica will remain wealthy and prosperous. It was the capital of Mygdonia, which had formerly been inhabited by the Thracian Edonians. It is well known that a Christian community was formed there at a very early period.
I have already spoken of the projecting Acte iirl 6pj.icq<;, and I will not here repeat what I have said; I shall only observe, that Cassandrea, the second great city founded by Cassander, was probably his capital, and built on the site of the ancient Potidaea, on the isthmus of Pallene; we know little about it, and much is only matter of conjecture.
Amphipolis, which was subdued by the Athenians during the period between the Persian and Peloponnesian
AMPHIPOLIS, PHILIPPI. 295
wars, was situated on both sides of the river Strymon; it was previously called 'Ewia udoL During the Macedonian period it was of great importance, being the capital of MaKeSovcov irputrrj. Although built at a distance of about five miles from the sea, it wa3 a sea-port, and ships sailed up the Strymon. This was the great place for the extensive trade in timber, for the timber of Macedonia was exported not only to Athens, but Ionia, Chios, and in later times even to Alexandria. It was conveyed down the Strymon in rafts.
The mountain-city of PHILIPPI, the neighbourhood of which contained the large gold mines, was situated between the Strymon and the Nestus. Its previous name was Crenidas, and the new town was built by Philip. There, as in Thessalonica, a Christian congregation existed at an early period. The place is celebrated for the battle which decided the fate of Rome. As the mines ceased to be worked, it afterwards fell into decay. How long they continued to be worked, and whether they were still productive in the time of the Antigonids, cannot be ascertained. The fact that they still were worked, and continued to be worked until the overthrow of the Macedonian kingdom, cannot be doubted; but whether they repaid the expenses, is another question. Gold mines nowhere remain equally productive; but their working is continued, because people always hope to discover richer veins. They were most productive in the time of Philip. Athens, too, continued working her mines almost to the seventh century of Rome, but was afterwards obliged to give it up. The Romans forbade the Macedonians the digging after precious metals, in consequence of which Philippi necessarily decayed: but we see from the epistle of the apostle Paul, that it still remained an active and industrial town. It was situated on the outskirts of mount Pangaeos; its neighbourhood was fertile, and it may have maintained itself by an extensive territory.
The interior between the Strymon and Nestus, with the exception of a few Greek towns, was occupied by Thracians. 296 AGRIANIANS, PAEONIANS.
The Agrianians alone, about the Strymon, are considered as Paeonians. Their importance consists in the fact that, in the wars of Alexander, they are mentioned as a distinct corps, and as belonging neither to the phalanx nor to the peltasts, which is not the case with any other Macedonian tribe. It is impossible now to determine, whether this arose perhaps from their being allies and enjoying special privileges, or from their having a peculiar kind of armour, which it was thought advisable to retain.
The Paeonians, according to Herodotus, extended as far as the mouth of the Strymon and about lake Prasias, which is now unknown, because the geography of Macedonia has received so little light from travellers; its existence, however, cannot be doubted, although it is somewhat fabulously described. The Paeonians who, according to Herodotus, were carried by the Persians into Asia, are those who lived about the lower parts of the Strymon, and not the upper Paeonians. In Thucydides and Livy (from Polybius), we find Paeonians on both sides of the Axius, and in regard to them the Romans made an exception1, those on the west of the Axius being included in Macedonia Secunda. The passage of Livy2 here alluded to must be emended, and instead of Vettiorutn3 we must read Bottiwum. Concerning these Paeonians, I can mention to you only a few points. In the time of Cassander and Pyrrhus, it was probably this people, on both banks of the Axius and as far as the Strymon, that had in the person of Audoleon an independent prince, whose daughter was married to Pyrrhus (he was also married to an Illyrian princess, for polygamy was then prevalent). There still exist coins of this Audoleon, though they are very rare; I possess one which was dug up at Tivoli; it was difficult to recognise it, but I succeeded in reading the characters. Afterwards we hear no more of Paeonian kings, so that their importance must have been
1 Namely in their division of the country according to what are called the natural boundaries. See above, p. 282.—Ed. 8 xlv.29. » xlv. 30.
PAEONIANS. 297
only transitory; but certain it is, that during the troublous times of Macedonia, that is, in the reign of Cassander, the principality of the Paeonians did exist, and that afterwards it disappeared. If we want to supplement history from other circumstances, we may say, that it must have been incorporated with Macedonia by Antigonus Gonatas, for Antigonus Doson carried on war even with the Dardanians who dwelt beyond the Paeonians.
The Greeks (Strabo and Dion Cassius) assume that the Paeonians and Pannonians were people of the same stock; in Strabo this is the prevailing opinion, and at that time the truth could still be ascertained; nor is the opinion at all improbable, if we suppose that the Illyrians immigrated at a later period. But neque probare, neque refellere in animo est. Gauls, under Brennus, also penetrated far into the west of Upper Macedonia; they were afterwards subdued, but not expelled, and were retained by the Macedonian kings as very useful soldiers.
I shall now pass on to Illyricum, whence we shall afterwards proceed to Italy. I shall then speak of the western countries within the Roman empire, and thence pass on to the East. Although the northern countries are important to us, yet in an account of the ancient nations, no complete description of them can be given, which must be reserved for the particular histories of the northern countries; still, however, I shall not pass them over.

*Lectures on ancient ethnography and geography: comprising Greece ..., Volume 1 By Barthold Georg Niebuhr, 1854 p. 275-297
Ne sot po hedhim faren me emrin Bashkim,
Qe neser te korrim frutin me emrin Bashkim!

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