"Moreover, you scorned our people, and compared the Albanese to sheep, and according to your custom think of us with insults. Nor have you shown yourself to have any knowledge of my race. Our elders were Epirotes, where this Pirro came from, whose force could scarcely support the Romans. This Pirro, who Taranto and many other places of Italy held back with armies. I do not have to speak for the Epiroti. They are very much stronger men than your Tarantini, a species of wet men who are born only to fish. If you want to say that Albania is part of Macedonia I would concede that a lot more of our ancestors were nobles who went as far as India under Alexander the Great and defeated all those peoples with incredible difficulty. From those men come these who you called sheep. But the nature of things is not changed. Why do your men run away in the faces of sheep?"
Letter from Skanderbeg to the Prince of Taranto ▬ Skanderbeg, October 31 1460

Why do we call it Greece while it's Albanian land?

Sillni harta historike fiziko-politike-etnografike, që pasqyrojnë realitetin etnik dhe politik të një rajoni të caktuar, në një periudhë të caktuar.

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Re: Why do we call it Greece while it's Albanian land?

#241

Post by ALBPelasgian » Mon Feb 13, 2012 10:16 pm

Albanians vs Greeks
THE ALBANIANS.--The Albanian people are descended from the most ancient of all the races in the Balkan peninsula; their language is the oldest language spoken in Europe. For centuries they were nominally subject to Turkey; but the Turks never really succeeded in conquering them, though many of the Albanians became Mohammedans.

THE GREEKS.--Though the Greeks are descended in part from the people who inhabited their country in ancient times, and though they speak a modern form of the old Greek language, it is certain that the present inhabitants are a much mixed race. They are largely Slav, but hold a strong feeling for the great past of their country. This gives them an unusually strong national rallying point. In many ways the Greeks are the most progressive of the Balkan races.

A School History of the Great War, ALBERT E. McKINLEY
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Re: Why do we call it Greece while it's Albanian land?

#242

Post by ALBPelasgian » Tue Feb 14, 2012 4:37 pm

Nje nga pershkrimet me mbreselenese qe eshte bere ndonjehere per shqiptaret:
The nationalities of Europe, Volume 2, Robert Gordon Latham

In all this we get the explanation of a fact upon which the historian of the Greek Revolution has founded a safe generalization and remarked that whilst, with the Greeks, the ecclesiastic spirit was stronger than the national, the national, with the Albanians, was stronger than the ecclesiastic. The fact itself, whatever may be its explanation, is beyond doubt; a fact which makes itself apparent in every page of the later history of Greece—wherein we find Albanians and Greeks fighting side by side, for the political freedom of the soil of Greece—the adopted country of an inordinate number of Albanian colonists—the country in which, not withstanding the difference of blood and language, the Albanians comported themselves as Greeks.
Nor have these characteristics been exhibited without reason. If ever the time come -when the Greek Kingdom shall strengthen itself at the expense of the Turkish, whatever may be the doubts as to the amalgamation of the Bulgarians and Rumanyos in a Great Byzantine Empire, the practicability of a fusion between the Greeks and Albanians, even if everything else be denied, must be recognized. Greece, at the present time, is, to a great extent, Albanian; and, if it had not been for its Albanian element, would, in all probability, never have been independent Greece. "With Albania released from Turkey, a similar series of migrations in the opposite direction is likely: in which case Albania would be partially Hellenized — the Albanians holding the hills, the Greeks the towns. On the other hand, however, the Albanians are, by no means, either malcontents or bad subjects of the Porte. It were well for many Christian countries if they were so—well for Christendom in general; for it is through the unscrupulous instrumentality of the Albanian garrisons that the worst acts in the Ottoman history have been perpetrated. Faithful to his pay tho Albanian is as careless of human suffering as he is bold, as rapacious as he is trusty. Faithful he is and brave he is, but brave and faithful after the fashion of a brave and faithful mercenary.
From the compactness of its area the Albanian nationality is isolated; by which I mean that the Albanian has no near kinsmen elsewhere by whom his political sympathies nre extended beyond the frontiers of his own country. Such relations as exist between Servia and Bulgaria, between Alsatia and Germany, between Lower Canada and France, whatever may be their value, have no existence in the Skipetar world. Except in the case of its colonies it is self-contained. Albania, if united with any second nation, must be united with one which differs in many important ethnological characteristics from itself.
From the tenor of its previous history, itself determined by the physical conditions of the country, the Albanian nationality is local, sectional, and provincial, rather than general: in other words, it consists of a series of small nationalities rather than of one great one. The country has never played a prominent sad acknowledged part in the world's history. An Albanian empire, eo nomine, has never existed. An Albanian kingdom has only been approximated. There is no such thing as a royal Albanian dynasty. The nearest approaches to anything of this kind have been made by certain Bulgarian and Wallachian principalities founded in Albania. But even these, except in Byzantine history, have never been of importance. What there is instead of this, is a series of tribual captains, of guerilla chieftains, of (at the best) popular heroes whose fame has been co-extensive with the small domain of Albanian language; the greatest of whom, the only one whose exploits have arrested the attention of the general historian, was Scanderbeg.
In ethnology, so wanting has it been in method and principle, the exertion of a minimum of common-sense or the recognition of the most patent presumption takes the guise of a discovery. Hence, the doctrine broached by Thunman, that the modern Albanians are neither more nor less than the descendants of the ancient Illyrians, has been looked upon by some as a valuable suggestion, by others as a bold hypothesis. Yet it is simply the primA facie view. What should they be else? It is not, however, on the mere presumptions that the doctrine rests. Local names and glosses confirm it; and there are few critics, at tha present time, who doubt it. The exact details of the boundaries are another matter. So is the original extent of the area. How far Albania ran northwards before it touched the Slavonic frontier, how far it ran east and south before it touched the Hellenic, are questions of more or less. Questions, too, of more or less are those touching the blood of Pyrrhus, Philip, and- Alexander, Epirots and Macedonians who were certainly in blood more or less what a Greek would call Barbarian. That the Gheghs represent the Illyrians in the limited sense of the term rather than the Epirots, and the Tosks the Epirots rather than the Illyrians, is likely.
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Re: Why do we call it Greece while it's Albanian land?

#243

Post by ALBPelasgian » Sat Feb 25, 2012 6:32 pm

The considerable part played by the people of Greece during many ages must undoubtedly be ascribed to the geographieal position of their country. Othcr tribes having the same origin, but inhabiting countries less happily situated—such, for instance, as the Pelasgians of Illyria, who are believed to be the ancestors of the Albanians—have never risen above a state of barbarism, whilst the Hellenes placed themselves at the head of civilised nations, and opened fresh paths to their enterprise.

(...)

In spite of the diverse elements which compose it, the Greek nationality is one of the most homogeneous in Europe. The Albanians, of Pelasgian descent like the Greeks, do not cede to the latter in patriotism ; and it was they—the Suliotes, Hydriotes, Spezzioteswho fought most valiantly for national independence. The eight hundred families of Romanian or Ilutzo-W allachianZiuzares who pasture their herds in the hills of Acarnania and Atulia, and arc known as Iïara-Gunis, or " black cloaks," speak the two languages, and sometimes marry Greek girls, though they never give their own daughters in marriage to the Greeks. Haughty and free, they are not sufficiently numerous to be of any great importance. To foreigners the Greeks are rather intolerant, and they take no pains to render their stay amongst them agreeable. The Turks—who were numerous formerly in certain parts of the Peloponuesus, in Bceotia, and in the island of Euboea, and whose presence recalled an unhappy period of servitude—have fled to a man, and only the fez, the narghile, and the slippers remind us of their former presence. The Jews, though met with in every town of the Fast, whether Slav or Mussulman, dare hardly enter the presence of' the Greeks, who are, moreover, their most redoubtable rivals in matters of finance : they are to be found only in the Ionian Islands, where they managed to get a footing during the British Protectorate. In this same Archipelago we likewise meet with the descendants of the ancient Venetian colonists, and with emigrants from all parts of Italy. French and Italian families still form a distinct element of the population of Naxos, Santorin, and Syra. As to the Maltese porters and gardeners at Athens and Corfu, they continue for the most part in subordinate positions, and never associate with the Greeks.

Greece - General Aspects
( Originally Published 1920 )
http://www.oldandsold.com/articles11/europe-11.shtml
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Re: Why do we call it Greece while it's Albanian land?

#244

Post by ALBPelasgian » Sat Feb 25, 2012 7:12 pm

Elisee Reclus duke folur mbi arbereshet e Italise veren:
Of all the emigrants who have settled on the island the Albanians alone have not become merged in the general population. Locally known as Greci, they still form separate communities, speaking their own language and observing special religious rites, in several of the towns of the interior, and more especially at Piana de' Greci, which occupies a commanding hill to the south of Palermo.

Elisée Reclus. The universal geography : earth and its inhabitants (Volume 1 Southern Europe).
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Re: Why do we call it Greece while it's Albanian land?

#245

Post by ALBPelasgian » Sat Feb 25, 2012 7:14 pm

I njejti autor duke folur mbi vise te ndryshme te Greqise heton se...
Southern Eubcea and the vicinity of Port Gavrion, on the island of Andros, are inhabited by Albanians, but the population in the remainder of the Archipelago is Greek.
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Re: Why do we call it Greece while it's Albanian land?

#246

Post by Zeus10 » Sun Feb 26, 2012 7:19 pm

ALBPelasgian wrote:Elisee Reclus duke folur mbi arbereshet e Italise veren:
Of all the emigrants who have settled on the island the Albanians alone have not become merged in the general population. Locally known as Greci, they still form separate communities, speaking their own language and observing special religious rites, in several of the towns of the interior, and more especially at Piana de' Greci, which occupies a commanding hill to the south of Palermo.

Elisée Reclus. The universal geography : earth and its inhabitants (Volume 1 Southern Europe).
That only one sentence is enough to understand something that many people find hard to comprehend, that at least during Medieval Times, the label 'Greci' which means "The Greeks", was used to denote anything but a distinct Greek ethnos. That gives us enough arguments, that deeper in antiquity we search, the weaker and nonreal the ethnic connection betwen the so called Ancient Greeks and Modern ones become. If we want to be more acurate, using the evidences and quotes with abundance similar to the above one, we can claim that at least, during the Medievals, "the Greeks" were mostly found in Albanian race .
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Re: Why do we call it Greece while it's Albanian land?

#247

Post by ALBPelasgian » Sun Feb 26, 2012 8:59 pm

Fragmente te shkeputura nga nje studim me i gjate ne 'Scottish geographical magazine - volume 30":
The year 146 n.c. was the last year of Greek independence, and the
year 1829 of our era was the first year of their rebirth. For about two
thousand years the Greeks thus suffered a foreign yoke, and were sub-
ject to crushing humiliations. Their land has been invaded by Avars,
Slavs, Normans, and Franks. The last dominated them for more than
two and a half centuries, then came the Venetian conquests, and the
crushing humiliation of Turkish rule of nearly 400 years' duration.

Many changes have occurred in this long period of eclipse of Greek
culture, not only in the ethnic and moral character of the people
, but
also in the geographical environment. But even during the time of their
dependence the Greeks exei^cised a considerable influence on the
destinies of their neighbours and diffused their culture widely. They
migrated in masses into South Italy, Sicily, the Balkan States, South
E,ussia, and Asia Minor. The most notable of their triumphs was the
inducing of Russia to accept from them their creed and religious organisa-
tion.
The Greek language, Greek ideas and manners early penetrated
Asia Minor and the countries on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean.
Learned Greeks arrived in Italy after the Turkish conquest of Constanti-
nople, and they contributed largely to the glorious renaissance of ancient
culture.

Rehiiih. — However long, profound, and cruel was the subjugation of
the Greeks to foreign yokes, they yet conserved sufficient strength of
character and patriotism, inspired by their glorious past, to be able at
last, in altered and more favourable circumstances, and with the aid of
foreign sympathisers and ardent Hellenists, among whom was Byron,
to
shake oft', partly at least, their enthralment, and to recover for some of
their lands their former independence.

A nation does not awake from a long catalepsy at once ; but the dark
days are over, modern Greeks have shown themselves in many points
not quite unworthy of their glorious ancestors, and patiently and
gradually they have succeeded in occupying once more an honourable
place among nations. " In the nineteenth century, Greece becomes once
more the eye of Hellas."^

Modern Greeks. — The origin of the modern Greeks is a controversial matter. The majority of the Greeks in Peloponnesus, Aetolia, Acarnania, and Thessaly, and of most of the Aegean Islands may be

Duckett Ferriinaii, Home life in Hellas.



THE GREEKS AND HELLENISM. 419

descendants of the ancient Greeks, whilst the population of Attica, Boeotia, Phocis, and Argolis, as also that of the islands of Spezzia, Salamis, Hydra and Andros has a large admixture of Albanian and "Wallachian blood.

Sir Richard Jebb insists on the continuity of race, character, and
language between the ancient and modern Greeks. " The Greek," he
says, " has never been able to strip himself of his Hellenic character,
whether the influence was wielded by Romans or Ottomans, Venice or
Russia, France or Great Britain, and it will be so to the end."^

According to the Rev. Hugh Callan modern Greeks resemble
their ancestors physically.- This continuity of race is, however,
strongly disputed.
The modern Greeks are certainly of a very mixed
blood,
but that is not a disadvantage. Mr. Hogarth says, "those great
and noble qualities which the modern Greek has displayed so conspicu-
ously this century past belong to him, in spite, not because, of his
possessing a little old Hellenic blood.''"' Whatever their origin, the
modern Greeks have emerged from their terrible trials, and are now a
race of quick intelligence, using a copious and sonorous language.

After the Northmen, they supply perhaps the most audacious and
skilful of seamen. Their army has shown itself equal to the best, its
courage and enthusiasm have never failed. Greeks have shown in their
recent wars high military virtues, self-denial, pluck, endurance, and dis-
cipline quite worthy of the heroes of Greco-Persian Avars.

There are a great variety of Greeks, and consequently a great variety
of Greek character. Greeks always have been and are still clannish.
There are Laconians, Messenians, Thessalians, Eubo^ans, Aetolians,
Spartans, Athenians, islanders, etc., with dispositions, character, language
more or less peculiar to each of these groups. The clannishness extends
to trades, and has minute ramifications ; it has its justification not only
in history, but also in the geographical conditions and ditierences of
pursuits ; it has produced notable ditierences in physical types.

Generally speaking Greeks are a beautiful race. Most remarkable is
the masculine beauty of the adolescents and old men, met with most fre-
quently in Peloponnesus. The complexion of the Greeks varies from pure
blonde to a pale olive tint of a fine bronze and almost to the dark tint of
Arabs. The face is oval and the features delicate. Most (xreeks are
elegantly formed, they are undersized and have a lively, animated,
intelligent physiognomy.

So subtle, quick, and bright is the Greek spirit still, and so potent is
the influence it exercises over the cities and isles of the eastern shores of
the Mediterranean, that one is justified in hoping that, with patience
and self-control, the Greek will restore the better part of what was
ancient Greece. An American writer, Philip S. Marden, calls Greece
the land of the most fascinating of all the bygone nations.* It is a land



1 The Growth and Influence of Classical Greek Poetry, Xew York, 1894.

2 S.G.M., vol. xiv. p. 230.

5 A Wandering School in the Levant.
* S.G.M., vol. xxiv. p. 160.



420 SCOTTISH GEOGRAPHICAL MAGAZINE.

of industrious farmers, sturdy shepherds, hardy seamen, busy, clever
merchants.

The best qualities of the race, intellectual, moral, and physical, are
to be found among the country populations of Acarnania, Aetolia, and
Peloponnesus. In the central and southern parts of the last peninsula,
that is in Messenia, Laconia, and Arcadia, as well as in Argos, one fre-
quently meets fair people with blue eyes, whilst in Thessaly the people
are dark with sharp features. Mountain climbing and pursuits in the
open air favour the development of beautiful humanity, and it is in the
mountains of the Peloponnesus that one meets sometimes figures perhaps
as beautiful as those which in former days inspired Phidias and Praxi-
teles, whilst in larger towns lumpish faces with coarse features are
not unfrequent. The best Greeks are to be found not in Greece,
but out of it, in Turkey, America, and the isles. They are settled in
hundreds of thousands all along the shores of Thrace and the borders of
Macedonia, under the name of Roum.

Modern Greeks are famous for their commercial genius, but they have
also produced some naval heroes, distinguished statesmen, scholars, and
men of letters. The recent war has almost doubled the territory of the
small Greek kingdom, and though leaving a considerable number of Greeks
still outside its limits, it has roused their energy and their patriotism.

For European and American travellers the main interest of modern
Greece consists in the splendid remains of ancient architectural art,
but we cannot enter here into this vast subject, and may only recom-
mend to readers interested in Greek art such works as that of H. Brunn,
Griechische KniiMr/eschichte, or that of Gustave Fougeres, Athhies, which
gives a full account of this famous city.^
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Re: Why do we call it Greece while it's Albanian land?

#248

Post by ALBPelasgian » Sun Feb 26, 2012 9:06 pm

Nga i njejti liber per shqiptaret:
Albania. By Wadham Peacock. London : Chapman and Hall, Ltd., 1914.

Price 7s. 6(7. net.

There are plenty of good reasons why students of politics, ethnology, philology,
economics and history, both secular and ecclesiastical, should find Albania, the
newest monarchy in Europe, a subject of very special interest, and yet it has to be
admitted that comparatively little is known about it. Mr. Peacock was Consul-
General of Northern Albania some years ago, and in this well-written and



NEW BOOKS. 441

thoughtful book he has done his best to enlighten the general ignorance. Perhaps
it is no exaggeration to say that never in the course of its stormy history have the
boundaries of Albania been definitely fixed for more than a very brief space of
time. The Albanians, or, as they prefer to call themselves, the Shkypetars, i.e.
"the Sons of the Mountain Eagle,"" represent " the original owners of the (Balkan)
peninsula,
for the Serbs did not cross the Danube until about 550 a.d., nor the
Bulgars till 679 a.d., when the Shkypetars had enjoyed over eleven hundred
years' possession of the land, enlivened by petty tribal fights, battles with or under
the Macedonian kings, and struggles with Rome
.
In every town and district
which the Slavs can claim by right of conquest under some nebulous and transitory
Empire, the Albanians can oppose the title of original ownership of the soil, from
ages when neither history nor the Slavs were known in the Balkans
.
" And the
course of their history, both political and ecclesiastical, has been restless and
troubled, worse by far than that of the most notorious Latin-American republics,
because far more prolonged. There has been a struggle for centuries against
recurring hordes of Kelts, Goths, Serbs, Bulgars, and Turks, and the results have
been disastrous. The Albanian is reputed to be, and often is, an Ishmael, his
hand against every man and every man's hand against his. He lives in an atmo-
sphere of distrust, suspicion, and racial hatred, and his hand is ever on his pistol
or his knife.
The law of vendetta, regarding which Mr. Peacock has much curious
and interesting information to give and tells many instructive anecdotes, is very
much on the same level as that of the cannibals of the Solomon Islands or of the
Mafulu tribes of New Guinea. "We hope we do not misinterpret Mr. Peacock
when we say that, apparently, he is not very sanguine as to the immediate future
of the foundling State. In the first place it is by no means satisfied with its new
boundaries, but still more ominous are the smouldering passions of envy, greed,
disappointment, and revenge which still exist in Bulgaria, Servia, Greece, and the
Balkans generally, and which are restrained for the time only by exhaustion and
by fear of the European Powers. "We must refer our readers to Mr. Peacock's
extremely interesting and thoughtful chapters on the past history and present
prospects of the little State for many shrewd observations and much useful infor-
mation gathered on the spot by a sympathetic, judicious, and impartial spectator,
and recorded in sober and well-balanced language. The Prince of "Wied has no
ordinary task of statesmanship in front of him.
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Re: Why do we call it Greece while it's Albanian land?

#249

Post by ALBPelasgian » Mon Apr 16, 2012 4:14 pm

CHAPTER XXIII.
ALBANIANS, SCLAVONIANS, AND HELLENES.
T7"HALIANI lies in a little level plain—a sheltered nook among the bases of Cyllene. The steep slopes of the lower hills, breaking away here and there in scaurs of red earth and seamed at intervals with capricious torrent-tracks, are clothed for the most part with holly-leaved ilex and other shrubs, whose rich brown tint is now varied and brightened with the fresh green shoots of springtime. Above these soars the great mountain, visible to the very summit. Where all other vegetation has ceased, a scattered forest of black pines has rooted itself in the grey limestone. From among the pines rises an irregular cone, utterly bare. In the manner of an ancient poet, one might imagine that around the summit, consecrated to Hermes, a magic circle had been drawn, beyond which the spirits of the wood were forbidden to intrude. In the rifts a remnant of snow is still lying, like veins of quartz—the last shreds of the winter's robe which a short month ago had not a rent in it. As we rode on our way towards Sicyon we had this monarch of Arcady constantly in view. From no point does he look more regal than from Khaliani.
The hamlet designated by this sounding name consists of about half-a-dozen houses, in the largest of which we were lodged. There are two rooms in it—one above, one below. The latter is half underground, and serves, I suppose, as storehouse for the less perishable household and agricultural stuff; the upper chamber is accessible by a flight of steps. Three-fourths of it is used as a granary, but at one end is a hearthstone, and about it a small space kept clear for the use of the family, who sleep around with feet towards the fire like the spokes of a wheel. I have said elsewhere that the Albanians have, as a general rule, lighter hair and complexion than the inhabitants of the plains. They are also, I think, more strongly built, and have more regular features; but their faces are not lighted up by the dark, keen, southern eye which is in itself beauty. Exposed as they are to rough weather and hard work almost from their cradle, the young people, and young women especially, have little of youthful delicacy in tint or form, and no youthful suppleness in gesture or motion. The dress of the men, if rude, is picturesque enough: kilt and greaves, and sheepskin jacket, not unlike the dress of a figure in the foreground of Velasquez's 'Adoration of the Shepherds/ in the National Gallery. The kilt is of linen, and has once been white; it is never changed, and consequently never washed, except in an occasional shower.
The costume of the women is of a still more savage simplicity. A sack of thick woollen stuff, reaching from neck almost to ankle, wraps them formless in its fold. It must, indeed, be a superb beauty that could triumph over such a toilet.

I have already said that these colonists from Albania are exceedingly anxious to be reckoned as Hellenes. Neither is there now any antipathy on the other side to prevent this desired amalgamation. Though originally unopposed or even welcomed immigrants, difference of blood, language, and habits fostered for a long time secret animosities between them and their lowland neighbours, of which the Turks cunningly, or perhaps merely instinctively, availed themselves, and not unfrequently employed Albanians as agents and instruments of oppression against their fellow-Christians. Some of them had even embraced Mahommedanism. The conspicuously gallant part, however, which they played in the War of Liberation has obliterated all recollections of old grievances, and the adoption of the Albanian as the national costume of regenerate and rechristened Hellas is an official mark of complete reconciliation. We shall probably find the grandsons of these Albanians calling themselves Epaminondas, Phocion, and so on, and bragging of their glorious ancestors as do those descendants of multifarious barbarians who now call themselves Hellenes—a name to which they have little better title than the modern Mexicans or the modern Britons to theirs.
The permanence of the old language is the one point of difference in their favour, but in a question of race this does not tell for much. The language spoken by an uneducated Greek scarcely resembles the ancient tongue more nearly than the language of the Spaniard or the Provencal resembles Latin; and if the modern dialects of Spain and Provence had not been stereotyped by long civilization and literary culture, it would have been almost as easy to bring them back to the old grammatical forms as to restore to the modern Romaic the inflexions and vocabulary of ancient Greece. And yet how small, we may be sure, the infusion of Roman blood in the Provencal and Spanish people!
Moreover, no other nation has suffered under circumstances so unfavourable as Greece, ever since the loss of its independence, now nearly twenty-two centuries ago. Besides continuous misgovernment and chronic disunion, the successive pestilences which, coming from the east, have scourged Europe, seem to have spent upon Greece the first force of their malignity; and successive hordes of barbarians, repelled from the frontiers of stronger states, have found here an unresisting prey. Even before the sixth century of our era, Sclavonian colonies had begun to settle in the deserted lands of that peninsula, the remotest and least accessible of Greek provinces, which was afterwards to be called by a word of their own—Morra, Morea. The great plague of 746 cleared the way for more immigrants. 'All Hellas and Peloponnese was made Sclavish, and became barbarian when the plague desolated the earth in the days when Constantine Copronymus swayed the sceptre of the Roman empire.' This is the testimony of Constantine Porphyrogenitus,1 himself emperor. In his time the Sclavonians had assumed Greek names and begun to intermarry, even with the imperial house; but there was, it seems, still some distinction between them and the Romans (for so the Greeks called themselves) in complexion or feature. Now such distinction is entirely
1 Quoted by Mr. Finlay: Medieval Greece and Trebizond, p. 21.
obliterated, and the 'Hellenes'' of Sclavonian descent do not differ from the other Hellenes in person or in idiom.
There was, however, yet another cause in operation long before the time of Goth or Hun or Avar, and more potent than them all for corrupting the purity of Hellenic blood—I mean slavery. The earliest glimpse which we get of that ancient people shows us slavery in all forms, domestic and predial, rooted among the national habits as an immemorial institution, and an active slave trade carried on without question and without stigma, as if it were a law of human nature. Long after the stigma had been attached to the traffic it continued to nourish, and indeed only ceased at last when, besides being discreditable, it came also to be unprofitable. Slavery itself did not perish in Greece till the tenth century after Christ. Century after century the population of ancient Hellas was recruited by large and frequent importations of Thracians and Scythians; and there can be no doubt that, in the zenith of Hellenic power, the free population was far outnumbered by the servile—the Hellenes by the barbarians. Even then the purity of race, if it ever had

1 If the terms Hellas and Hellenes be considered as merely 'geographical expressions,' and not asserting a claim of descent from the ancient Hellenes, there can be no objection to them. In the time of Pausanias the word Hellenes was no longer applied to all the race, but only to the inhabitants of a district nearly conterminous with the modern kingdom of Otho. In this sense the word was used by the Byzantine historians, who always affected classical phraseology, long after it had been disused by the people themselves. Mr. Finlay mentions that a citizen of Constantinople would have been insulted by being called a Greek or Hellene instead of ' a Roman.'

any meaning as applied to the Hellenes, was fast becoming a fiction. The barbarian origin of this and that so-called 'Athenian' supplied the comic poets with an inexhaustible theme. Some even of the greatest Athenians did not disdain to intermarry with, or refuse to acknowledge their descent from Thracian and Scythian families. Miltiades, Thucydides, Demosthenes, are examples to the point. No institutions, municipal or political, could be of any avail to prevent a gradual admixture of alien blood and an ultimate confusion of races. Quid leges sine moribus vanae proficiunt? and what 'morals/ we may ask, can there be co-existent with slavery? In ancient Greece the morals, so far as they concern the present question, were more lax, and the retro-active evils of slavery greater, than in modern America. And why? Because in America the differences of race, as shown in complexion, feature, and mind, between master and slave, are so great as to produce a mutual repugnance, and to ensure detection and exposure of secret sins by stamping all offspring with a brand of affiliation. It was not so in Greece. The great majority of Greek slaves came of races physically as noble as their masters, and of intellects not naturally so acute, but capable of a high degree of refinement and culture. The best and most profitable slaves were those who became most rapidly Hellenized. The Davus and Syra who waited behind the couch of Mecaenas spoke Attic and sang Greek songs to Greek music. Thus society in Greece wanted the safeguards which protect it in America. It may, indeed, be laid down as a general rule, that 'the retro-active mischiefs of slavery' (as I have ventured to call them) are greater in proportion to the relationship of race between master and slave. According as the national sin is more shameful and flagrant, so is the retribution more speedy and terrible.
These arguments, drawn from historical facts, make it, to any unprejudiced mind, perfectly certain that the proportion of Hellenic blood which now runs in the veins of King Otho's subjects is infinitesimally small. Those who, in spite of these facts, maintain the opposite thesis are either Greeks or Ionians, actuated by a pardonable national vanity, or foreigners anxious to combat a doctrine which stultifies their own Philhellenism. The writers and speakers on this side whom I have read and heard, judiciously avoid historical ground, and support their position, first, by insisting on the permanence of the language, and, secondly, by asserting the uniformity of type, physical and moral, which characterizes the present Greeks, and the resemblance of that type to the ancient Greek.
First, as to the language: The fact of its permanence, however corrupted, is worthy of all admiration, but, properly interpreted, warrants no inference as to the genealogy of those who speak it. A Hellenist is not necessarily a Hellene. The genius and enterprise of the ancient Hellenes, which won for them their long-continued pre-eminence in colonization, commerce, and letters, ensured also the adoption of their language as the earliest lingua franca of the Levant. When the interests of different nations come to be closely connected, and intercourse frequent between them, then there grows up an imperious necessity for such a lingua franca for bargains in peace and parley in war. Even in the time of Herodotus this want had begun to be felt, and he found in the most distant cities
which he visited in Africa and in Asia Hellenist interpreters. The conquests of Alexander added a new impulse to the Hellenistic tendencies of the world. After his death, Alexandria, Pergamos, Antioch, &c, became the capitals of kingdoms called Greek, not because either sovereigns or subjects were of Greek blood, but because Greek was the language they had adopted in common. These nations, I repeat, may fitly be called Hellenist, but not Hellenic, just as the peoples of France and Spain may be called 'Romance/ but not Roman. The Hellenistic tongue absorbed and overpowered a multitude of local jargons, and converted each new capital from a very Babel into a 'city of articulate- speaking men.' The most obstinately tenacious of all sects found it necessary for the general understanding of their own holy books to have them translated into this master-language—that language which obtained its crowning triumph when, three centuries later, in it were delivered the last oracles of God. The New Testament consecrated what was before the language of art, literature, and commerce as the language also of religion; thus, on the one hand, providing for its still wider extension, and on the other, securing it against, or at all events arresting the progress of corruption. To the children of the orthodox church, of whatever race, the language of the Gospels and of the Liturgy was the mother-tongue—the use of which was almost an article of faith from which, to their immortal honour and the credit of our common Christianity, neither persecution, nor sword, nor any other creature could separate them.
Thus, while I deny that the existence of the Hellenistic language warrants any claim of kindred with the great people who spoke it in its earliest form, or the great poets and sages who cultivated it, I affirm that it proves for the moderns a far nobler genealogy, and vindicates for each successive generation the praise of faithfulness, constancy, and courage.
I come now to the second proposition, viz.: That the modern Greeks are characterized by uniformity of type, and that type resembling the ancient. The first part of this proposition is sometimes implicitly denied by the advocates for the second, when they affirm that the islanders especially resemble the ancient Greeks in features, But I waive this point, and am content to assume that there is perfect unanimity among the advocates for both.
It must be premised that all such general assertions are very easily made or contradicted, but not very easily proved or refuted. In such cases the eye sees not only what it brings with it the power of seeing, but also that which it brings with it the desire to see.
And, first, to confine ourselves to the supposed physical resemblance. What were the national characteristics of the ancient Greeks in face and form? What means have we of forming a judgment? Here literature stands us in no stead, and we can only fall back upon the remains of ancient art, statues and friezes and metopes, and cameos and coins, where we have on the one hand ideal representations of gods and heroes, and on the other portraits of individual men. The ideal faces from the time of Phidias downwards all conform to one well-known type, of which the low forehead, the straight nose in a line with the forehead, and the short upper lip are the chief characteristics. The archaic type as seen in the iEginetan marbles aud in the Athene of the coins is somewhat different. The difference lies chiefly in the expression, and is unimportant to our present inquiry, because it is due either to want of manual skill or intentional imitation of antique rudeness. With regard to the portraits, which belong for the most part to the latest period of art, we must take into consideration several facts before we can argue upon them at all.
In the first place, many of those which bear the names of illustrious Greeks are either ideal or portraits of Romans which have been inscribed with Greek names in Greek letters in order to increase their value in the market by Italian owners or vendors in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, at the revival of learning, art, connoisseurship, and forgery. Secondly, we must bear in mind the tendency of the portrait-maker to flatter his subject by assimilating his features as much as possible to the divine and heroic type. Making these allowances, the genuine Greek faces will be found very various in character, and not resembling the ideal type at all more closely than a collection of portraits of Italians, Spaniards, or any southern people at the present day. But any conclusion must be dubious when drawn from such dubious and scanty data.
Among the modern Greeks, so far as my observation went—and I was constantly observing them with this particular view—one sees very few faces which recal the type of ideal beauty. Some exceptional instances may be found in all countries; but they are always rare, and not less rare in Greece than elsewhere. The most striking examples which I noted were an Albanian shepherd near Athens and a rustic at Zante. For the exquisite proportions and muscular development of ancient statues we can find no parallel in men as they now are, for the modern Greek wraps himself up in elaborate folds, and never takes the trouble to undress. We are more likely to find living antitypes of the Apollo and Antinous in England, where the young men are animated with the passion of the old Greeks for gymnastic exercises far more than their soi-disant descendants and namesakes.
So much for the physical question. With regard to the moral qualities, we are assured that the modern Greeks resemble the ancient in their virtues and in their failings, whether as civilians or soldiers—as soldiers in their fitful courage and sudden panics; as civilians in their enterprising spirit, their versatility, their patience, frugality and sobriety, in their selfishness, unscrupulousness and cunning.
To take these seriatim. It is quite true that, so lo»g as the wars of the ancient Greeks were waged by their own free citizens in person, 'fitful courage and sudden panic' did characterize their armies, except only the Spartan, as they characterize all half-trained and half-disciplined bodies of men, to whatever race they belong. The raw levies of America ran away at Bladensburg, and the raw levies of England refused to advance at the Sedan. But the Spartans, who were veteran soldiers all, showed no such weakness. The Greek mercenaries of later times serving under Cyrus or Alexander were remarkable for steadiness in the field.
Again, the modern Greeks show no aptitude for combined enterprises 'of great pith and moment/ such as distinguished the better days of the old Hellas; but only for petty traffic and individual gain, in which the mixed population of the Levantine shores have been ever active. This is enterprise of a much lower stamp than that which of old colonized the coasts of the Mediterranean with free and flourishing cities. In this sense the Jews and the hybrid Ionians and Maltese are quite as enterprising, as versatile, and as patient as the Greeks.
Frugality and sobriety are virtues not peculiar to race, but to climate. All the southern nations—Spaniards and Italians and Hindoos—are sober and frugal.
The vices which are attributed to the Greeks are vices developed by oppression, and could not with justice be charged upon the ancient Greeks as a people so long as they were free. They are the arts whereby weakness baffles and eludes violence. In the animal world nature furnishes analogous qualities to the creature preyed upon as a defence against the talon and the claw.
To sum up all: I hold, first, that such homogeneity as there is in the modern Greek nation is due not to purity of race, but to the combined action of other causes—frequent intercourse, similar habits, and identity of climate and language. We see, in the case of the United States, how rapidly such causes operate in fusing into one people with marked characteristics, physical and moral, a multitude of very various origin and descent. Secondly, whatever resemblance may be traced between the ancient and modern Greeks is owing to the similarity of external circumstance; and however many minor qualities they may exhibit in common, the moderns show no spark of the mighty genius of the ancients. That genius has left its stamp upon every art and science, upon every branch of letters and province of thought. Modern Greece has produced no great artist, nor statesman, nor general, nor poet, nor philosopher.1
* I should be sorry to depreciate the merits of Koraes, Soutzos, Trikoupi, and others who have deserved well of their country and of literature; but there is no modern Greek 'great' in the sense in which many ancient Greeks, many Germans, French, English, and Italians are great.

Greece and the Greeks: Peloponnesus: notes of study and travel, William George Clark
I njejti autor jep sqarime pse shqiptaret per nje kohe te gjate ngaterroheshin per vllehë:
The house where we lodged consisted of a single room. At one end, round the fire, sat the whole family, old and young, enjoying an Easter feast, probably on the strength of what they were to receive for our night's lodging. As soon as the lamb was roasted, the goodman of the house tore it to pieces and put them into a dish, from which, after it had been sent to us to taste, they all helped themselves. After which they disposed themselves to sleep round the dying embers on the hearthstone. At the other end of the room our beds were laid among a mass of household stuff. Our hosts, like most of the people in this part of the country, were Albanians, knowing only a few words of Romaic. There are about 200,000 of this people among the inhabitants of the Greek kingdom, that is to say, nearly a fifth of the whole population. They first came into the Morea in the fourteenth century; some as mercenary soldiers, who received grants of land after being disbanded; others as invited or unopposed settlers on waste ground.
In the year 1415, the Emperor Manuel II., in a funeral oration which he delivered at Mistra in honour of his brother Theodore, who had governed the Morea as despot or viceroy, made especial mention of the pains which he had taken to introduce Albanian colonists. These colonists were for the most part shepherds and herdsmen, and occupied the pastures on the high ground on condition of paying a rent to the government and to the Sclavo-Greek proprietors in the towns and valleys. Even to this day the Albanian language is spoken almost universally in all the mountainous districts of the Morea, with the exception of the three southern peninsulas. In order to get rid of the obligation of paying rent, they took an opportunity in 1452, when the empire of Constantinople was struggling in the agonies of dissolution, to rebel in order to become lords, not tenants, of the soil; but the attempt was quelled by the interference of the Turks. They have received frequent accessions from the same causes in more recent times; but as there is a constant tendency in the less civilized races to be absorbed in and assimilated with their neighbours, so, doubtless, there are many people of Albanian blood who now rank with the Greeks, because they speak their language and have adopted their habits. They are, I was told, offended at being called Albanians or Skipetar, as they used to call themselves, and desire to be termed Hellenes. This desire on their part, and the systematic education which is now introduced in modern Greece, will in a very short time obliterate all the distinctions between them. Generally speaking, the Albanians are lighter in hair and complexion and more athletic in form than the Greeks or Sclavonians about them, but there are striking individual exceptions to the rule; as I have said, they used to call themselves Skipetar, the learned call them Albanians, their rural neighbours call them Vlachi—a misnomer, but a natural one, since before the Albanians were known in Greece the Wallachians had occupied a great part of the country north of the Corinthian gulf. In the same way the Welsh give the name of Sassenach to the Flemings settled about Tenby and Milford Haven. The mistake is perpetuated in the names of some villages inhabited by Albanians, as, for example, in Vlakho-Raphti in Arcadia, Vlakho-Khori in Laconia, &c.
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Re: Why do we call it Greece while it's Albanian land?

#250

Post by ALBPelasgian » Mon Apr 16, 2012 6:42 pm

Surely there must be at least a fusion of different tongues, if the population were consider[pg 417]ably leavened. There are still Albanian districts in Greece. They are to be found even in Attica, and close to Athens. But these populations are still tolerably distinct from the Greeks; their language is quite different, and unintelligible to Greeks who have not learned it.

http://www.gutenberg.org/files/35298/35 ... 298-h.html
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Re: Why do we call it Greece while it's Albanian land?

#251

Post by ALBPelasgian » Mon Apr 16, 2012 6:49 pm

The descendants of foreigners and slaves could not conserve what the old race had won. Of like character had been the fate of Greece. After the Macedonian conquest the
Greek race became adulterated with foreign blood.
There was no longer "a free State proud of theii unmixed race." According to Tacitus, the old Athenian race nas extinct before his time. The old names eventually disappeared, and a mixture of former slaves and foreigners held the places of the historic Greeks.

Conflict in nature and life: a study of antagonism in the ..., John Stahl Patterson - 1883
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Re: Why do we call it Greece while it's Albanian land?

#252

Post by ALBPelasgian » Mon Apr 16, 2012 7:24 pm

he Greeks, ancient and modern^Origin of the modem Greeks —
Mohammed the Conqueror and the Greeks — The Greeks under
Selim I — ^The rise of the Phanariot Greeks— -The work of the
Orthodox Church — ^The Greek literary revival — ^The trade of the
Greeks — ^The revival of Hellenism — The first Pan-Hellenic rising —
The revolt of the Islands — All Pasha's assistance — Massacres — ^The
battle of Navarino— The last war between Greece and Turkey —
Joachim HI — ^The story of the Patriarchate — ^The funeral of His
Holiness Joachim HI — ^The Greeks in the last war^A legend of
Balukli.

TTTHEN Mohammed II completed the conquest of the V T Eastern Empire by the capture of Constantinople he made himself master of a large population, both in the
City and the former Empire of old Byzantium, which had for some time been considered Greek, and which was subsequently called Greek. This classification was religious
from the Turkish point of view
, from that of the Greeks themselves it became racial as time went on. To the conquering Moslem all those were Greeks who belonged to the Orthodox Church ; the Greeks, however, insisted on their descent from the historic people who had made their country famous before the days of the Romans even, the Hellenes, whose literature they adopted, whose art they basely imitated, and with whose high attributes they consider themselves endowed. This people, the classic Greeks, the Hellenes, had inhabited the Peloponese Peninsula from those dark ages

233



284 THE GREEKS

before recorded history, and even in prehistoric times had occupied the islands between Greece and Asia Minor. No doubt the Hellenes moved down from the plains of Central
Europe, the cradle of the Aryan race, in successive waves, being urged forward by seething masses of young nations behind them. We have some indications as to what
manner of men they were in the early works of art of the sixth century B.C., which tend to show that these ancient immigrants were large, blue-eyed, fair*haired men. An-thropologists maintain after studying the skulls of ancient Greeks that these were dolichocephalic, long-headed, which tends further to the conclusion that the first invaders
of this peninsula were akin to the races of Northern Europe. The first immigrants were probably the Arcadians, who spread from the coasts to the islands and populated Crete,
Rhodes, and C3rprus. They were followed by the Doric tribe, kinsmen who came from Thrace, who probably brought the first immigrants to submission and gradually
absorbed them, and such of the aboriginals, the lonians, who did not migrate to Asia Minor. Within the range of history another people came down from the north to influence the Peloponese, the Macedonians. Their origin is uncertain, but what traces are left of their old language, a name here and there, suggests that they were akin to the lllyrians, had adopted Greek culture, and were ruled by princes who wished to be considered pure Greeks. It would seem, therefore, that the ancient Hellenes were a mixture of various northern Aryan races and aboriginal inhabitants, Illyrians, lonians, whose origin forms a yet unsolved historical problem. The Peloponese was, as it were, a pier, standing out into the Mediterranean Sea, and from which northern ideas extended and spread southward to Africa, eastward over the Archipelago to Asia. The subtle attraction of an outlet must have acted



ORIGIN OF THE MODERN GREEKS 285

on the subconsciousness of other northern races, in that the Hellenes, far from feeling secure in their peninsula, were constantly exposed to the visits of strange barbaric
visitors whenever
** Wanderlust " moved the tribes of Central Europe. Of course, Romans left their impress, and so did wandering Goths, but strongest of all was the influence of the Slavs, and they so seriously affected the Peloponese that at one time it was known as Slavinia. To all this came an Albanian invasion in the thirteenth century, so that the Greeks of to-day cannot lay claim to anything more than spiritual descent from the ancient Hellenes. The type has changed completely from that of the traditional Greek : he was tall, fair-haired, and long-headed; the Greek of to-day is of medium height, they have not ten per cent of fair-haired people amongst them, and they are brachycephalic, like the Slavs. Other Slav influences may be traced in the language, in the names of places and rivers. The Hellenes of today may be spiritual children of Hellas, physically they are certainly the result of a mixing of racesIllyrian, Ionian, Hellenes, Latins, Goths, Slavs of various tribes, Vlachs, Albanians, and a dash contributed by the pious Crusaders of Western Europe. These Greeks are widely distributed
over the Balkan Peninsula, throughout the Turkish Empire, and over the Archipelago, and are considered a nation on the basis of an assertion made by M. Kapodistrias, the first President of the new Hellenic State. When asked. Who are the Greeks ? he answered : " The Greek nation consists of the people who, since the conquest of Constantinople, have never ceased to profess adherence to the Orthodox Church, to speak the language of their fathers, and who have remained imder the jurisdiction, both spiritual and temporal, of their Church, wherever they might live in the Turkish Empire." This is, of course, a very inaccurate description* but at least serves to illustrate Greek pretensions. The Greeks reckon the total of their nationals in the Balkan Peninsula at roughly eight millions, but I doubt whether they number more than five millions, for the Helenophils who have been making propaganda for years
among the Slavs in Macedonia are much inclined to count in those converts, many of whose sons, by the way, have been won back by the Slavs and now call themselves
Serbs or Bulgars, according to the nationality of their teachers. About two millions of these five make up the population of the Kingdom of Greece, the remainder are
scattered about in the other Balkan States. The majority are to be found in Turkey and along the coasts from Saloniki to Varna, between two and three hundred thousand live in
Constantinople and by the shores of the Bosphorus, in fact, they are to be foimd in all the important towns, not only of Turkey in Europe and Asia Minor, but also in
Bulgaria and Russia. No doubt the preference for town life dates from the days of barbarian invasions. The Greeks are chiefly engaged in trade and business, though
many are fishermen employed in the coasting trade.

The passing of the Turkish empire in Europe, B. Granville Baker
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Re: Why do we call it Greece while it's Albanian land?

#253

Post by ALBPelasgian » Sat Apr 21, 2012 11:56 am

If we go to look in modern Greece for pure and unmixed Hellenes, untainted by any drop of barbarian blood, that we assuredly shall not find...The Greek nation, in short, has, like all other nations, been affected, and largely affected, by the law of adoption...The Sclavonic occupation of a large part of Greece in the eighth and ninth centuries is an undoubted fact...

^The British quarterly review: Volumes 65-66, Robert Vaughan, 1877
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Re: Why do we call it Greece while it's Albanian land?

#254

Post by ALBPelasgian » Sat Apr 21, 2012 12:00 pm

Before reviewing the various immigrations into Greece during the middle ages, it is necessary to notice two questions connected with the population in earlier times which still admit of doubt and discussion. Their importance in determining the extent to which the bulk of the population may have been of mixed race during the classic ages is great. The one relates to the numbers of the slave population employed in agriculture when Greece was in its most flourishing condition ; and the other, to the proportions in which the free population and the slaves were diminished in the general depopulation of the country that preceded the Sclavonian immigration. A large proportion of the slaves employed in agriculture were of foreign origin, as we know from the enormous extent of the slave trade, and from the circumstance that the Greeks looked on the rearing of slaves as unprofitable^. We know also that under the domination of the Romans, the higher classes of Greece either died out or lost their nationality by adopting the names and assuming the manners of Roman citizens. Indeed it seems probable that pure Hellenic blood began to be greatly adulterated about the time the ancient Greek dialects fell into disuse. Still there can be no doubt that the Greek population retired before the Sclavonian immigration, and did not mingle with the intruders, but on the other hand there is no evidence to determine whether the agricultural slaves were exterminated by the barbarian invaders of the Hellenic soil, or were absoifced into the mass of the Sclavonian or Byzantine population. These questions prove how uncertain all inquiries into the direct affiliation of the modern Greeks must be. Of what value is the oldest genealogic tree, if a single generation be omitted In the middle?

The extent to which the purity of the Hellenic race was corrupted by admixture with the slave population hardlyadmits of a satisfactory answer. Liberated slaves certainly engrafted themselves into the native blood of Greece, to some extent, in Roman times ; but it is difficult to ascertain what proportion of the freedmen that filled Greece were of foreign origin. Slavery was for many ages the principal agent of productive industry in Greece ; the soil was cultivatedby slaves, and many manufactured articles were produced by their labour. Throughout the whole country, they formedat least one-half of the population*. Now, although the freedmen and descendants of liberated foreign slaves neverformed as important an element in the higher classes of the population of Greece as they did of Rome, still they must have exerted a considerable influence on society. And here a question forces itself on the attention, — Whether the singular corruption which the Greek language has undergone, according to one unvarying type, in every land where it wasspoken, from Syracuse to Trebizond, must not be, in great part, attributed to the infusion of foreign elements, whichslavery introduced into Hellenic society in numberless streams, all flowing from a similar source? The Thracians and Sclavonians were for centuries to the slave-trade of theGreeks what the Georgians and Circassians have been for ages to the Mohammedan nations, and the Negroes of the African coast to the European colonies in America.

^A history of Greece, from its conquest by the Romans to the present time, B.C. 146 to 1864
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Re: Why do we call it Greece while it's Albanian land?

#255

Post by ALBPelasgian » Sat Apr 21, 2012 12:49 pm

There is perhaps no nation which has been exposed to more frequent admixture of foreign blood, during the Middle Ages, than the Greeks. Professor Fallmerayer maintained that the Hellenic population was entirely exterminated, and that the people who at the present day call themselves Greeks are really Slavonians. It would be difficult to refute him by arguments drawn either from the physical or the moral characteristies of the modern Greeks as compared with the many varieties of the Slavonic stock. But the following extract from 'Felton's Lectures on Greece, Ancient and Modern,' contains the only answer that can be given to such charges, without point or purpose:— 'In one of the courses of lectures,' he says, 'which I attended in the University of Athens, the Professor of History, a very eloquent man as well as a somewhat fiery Greek, took this subject up. His audience consisted of about two hundred young men, from every part of Greece. His indignant comments on the learned German, that notorious μισελλεν , or Greek-hater, as he stigmatised him, were received by his hearers with a profound sensation. They sat with expanded nostrils and flashing eyes—a splendid illustration of the old Hellenic spirit, roused to fury by the charge of barbarian descent. "It is true," said the eloquent Professor, " that the tide of barbaric invaders poured down like a deluge upon Hellas, filling with its surging floods our beautiful plains—our fertile valleys. The Greeks fled to their walled towns and mountain fastnesses. By and bye the water subsided and the soil of Hellas reappeared.

The former inhabitants descended from the mountains as the tide receded, resumed their ancient lands and rebuilt their ruined habitations, and, the reign of the barbarians over, Hellas was herself again." Three or four rounds of applause followed the close of the lectures of Professor Manouses, in which I heartily joined. I could not help thinking afterwards what a singular comment on the German anti-Hellenic theory was presented by this scene—a Greek Professor in a Greek University lecturing to two hundred Greeks in the Greek language, to prove that the Greeks were Greeks, and not Slavonians.' * And yet we hear the same arguments used over and over again, not only with regard to the Greeks, but with regard to many other modern nations; and even men whose minds have been trained in the school of exact science, use the term 'blood' in this vague and thoughtless manner. The adjective Greek may connote many things, but what it denotes is language. People who speak Greek as their mother tongue are Greeks, and if a Turkish-speaking inhabitant of Constantinople could trace his pedigree straight to Pericles, he would still be a Turk, whatever hie name, his faith, his hair, features, and stature, whatever his blood, might be. We can classify languages, and as languages presuppose people that speak them, we can so far classify mankind, according to their grammars and dictionaries; while all who possess scientific honesty must confess and will confess that, as yet, it has been impossible to devise any truly scientific classification of skulls, to say nothing of blood, or bones, or hair.

^The Quarterly review, Volumes 122-123
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